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Linglib.Phenomena.Classifiers.Studies.WangSun2026

Wang & Sun (2026): Detaching Mandarin Classifiers from Nouns #

@cite{wang-sun-2026} @cite{adger-2025}

Applies @cite{adger-2025}'s mereological syntax to three problems in Mandarin classifier phrases:

  1. Modification: Degree-modified adjectives cannot appear between Num and Cl — predicted by dimensionality (Q is full).
  2. Dislocation: [Cl-N] cannot be topicalized independently of Num — predicted by collective spell-out at Q.
  3. Interpretation: 的 de changes classifier from sortal (concrete object) to mensural (abstract unit) — predicted by cross-dimensional visibility.

Key Structural Insight #

Classifiers are NOT projections of nouns. They are independent syntactic objects that subjoin to Q as its 1-part. The classifier word spells out at Q (collective spell-out of the Q-Cl complementation line). This detachment from N explains all three problems.

Grammaticality status for Mandarin classifier examples.

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          Problem 1: Modification restrictions #

          (4c) *yī hěn cōngmíng de gè xuéshēng — degree adj before Cl: bad.

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            (8a) yī gè cōngmíng (de) xuéshēng — adj after Cl: ok.

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              (29a) *yī hěn dà (de) zhāng zhuōzi — degree adj between Num and Cl: bad.

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                (29b) yī dà zhāng zhuōzi — bare size adj before Cl: ok (included in Q spell-out).

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                  Problem 1b: Modification IS possible after Cl #

                  (28a) yī zhāng hěn dà de zhuōzi — degree adj after Cl: ok.

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                    Problem 2: Dislocation restrictions #

                    (5c) *Gè píngguǒ, Zhāngsān chī-le sān — [Cl-N] topicalized, Num stranded: bad.

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                      (13b) Píngguǒ, Zhāngsān chī-le sān gè — N topicalized alone: ok.

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                        (14a) *Sān gè, Zhāngsān chī-le píngguǒ — [Num-Cl] without N: bad.

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                          Wh-island effects (§5) #

                          (39a) Zhāngsān mǎi-le jǐ zhāng hěn dà de zhuōzi? — wh-numeral before Cl: ok.

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                            (39b) *Zhāngsān mǎi-le hěn dà de jǐ zhāng zhuōzi? — wh-numeral after Mod: bad.

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                              Problem 3: Interpretation change with 的 de #

                              (33a) sān bēi jiǔ — no de: "three glasses of liquor" (real glasses).

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                                (33b) sān bēi de jiǔ — with de: "three glassfuls of liquor" (abstract).

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                                  (26b): yī zhāng zhuōzi "a table" #

                                  ```
                                  D
                                    @Q: zhāng        ← Q and Cl collectively spell out
                                      Num: yī    Cl
                                                   N: zhuōzi
                                  ```
                                  Parthood: N <₁ Cl <₁ Q, Num <₂ Q, Q <₁ D. 
                                  
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                                    (34a): sān bēi jiǔ "three glasses of liquor" — without 的 #

                                    Same topology as (26b). Cl is in D's 1-part chain → visible → sortal. 
                                    
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                                      (34b): sān bēi de jiǔ "three glassfuls of liquor" — with 的 #

                                      的 *de* is the spell-out of Mod. Q subjoins to Mod as 1-part;
                                      Mod then subjoins to D as 2-part. N subjoins directly to D
                                      as 1-part — NOT to Cl (contrast with noDe where N <₁ Cl).
                                      ```
                                      D
                                        N: jiǔ         Mod: de
                                                          @Q: bēi
                                                            Cl    Num: sān
                                      ```
                                      Parthood: Cl <₁ Q, Num <₂ Q, Q <₁ Mod, N <₁ D, Mod <₂ D.
                                      Cl is NOT in D's 1-part chain → invisible → mensural. 
                                      
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                                          (27b): hěn dà de "very big" #

                                          ```
                                          Mod
                                            @Deg: dà-de
                                              A          Adv: hěn
                                          ```
                                          A <₁ Deg, Adv <₂ Deg, Deg <₁ Mod. Mod spells out *de* at its node;
                                          Deg spells out the adjective *dà* collectively with A. 
                                          
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                                            (28c): yī zhāng hěn dà de zhuōzi "a very big table" #

                                            Mod adjoins as 2-part of Cl (Cl has only N as 1-part, so it has room).
                                            ```
                                            D
                                              @Q: zhāng
                                                Num: yī    Cl
                                                             N: zhuōzi    Mod
                                                                            @Deg: dà-de
                                                                              A    Adv: hěn
                                            ```
                                            Parthood: A <₁ Deg, Adv <₂ Deg, Deg <₁ Mod, N <₁ Cl, Mod <₂ Cl,
                                                      Cl <₁ Q, Num <₂ Q, Q <₁ D. 
                                            
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                                                (32b): hěn dà de yī zhāng zhuōzi "a very big table" — pre-DP modifier #

                                                Mod adjoins as 2-part of D (D has only Q as 1-part, so it has room).
                                                Contrast with (28c) where Mod is 2-part of Cl. Same structure
                                                blocks wh-extraction in (39b): D is full, Num cannot subjoin.
                                                ```
                                                D
                                                  @Q: zhāng      Mod: de
                                                    Num: yī  Cl     @Deg: dà-de
                                                               N      A    Adv: hěn
                                                ```
                                                Parthood: N <₁ Cl <₁ Q, Num <₂ Q, Q <₁ D, Mod <₂ D. 
                                                
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                                                  (45b): sān kē "three (CL)" — measure phrase without N #

                                                  Classifier independent of noun: Cl has no N subjoined.
                                                  ```
                                                  @PRED: duō
                                                    Deg
                                                      Q          A
                                                      Num: sān   Cl: kē
                                                  ```
                                                  Cl <₁ Q, Num <₂ Q, Q <₁ Deg, A <₂ Deg, Deg <₁ Pred. 
                                                  
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                                                      Prediction 1: Q is full — no modifier can intervene #

                                                      Q has both a 1-part (Cl) and a 2-part (Num). By Dimensionality,
                                                      no further subjunction to Q is possible. This derives the ban on
                                                      degree-modified adjectives between Num and Cl (examples 4c, 29a). 
                                                      

                                                      Cl has only N as 1-part — it has room for Mod as 2-part.

                                                      The modification contrast: Mod CAN be 2-part of Cl (has room) but CANNOT be part of Q (full). This derives (28a) vs (29a).

                                                      (28c): post-Cl modification preserves Cl visibility from D. Adding Mod as Cl's 2-part does not disrupt the 1-part chain D → Q → Cl, so the classifier retains its sortal reading.

                                                      Prediction 1b: Classifier independence from nouns #

                                                      (45b) shows a classifier with no N subjoined — the classifier
                                                      functions as a measure phrase in a degree construction. 
                                                      

                                                      Prediction 2: Cl spells out at Q #

                                                      Q's complementation line (1-part chain) includes both Q and Cl.
                                                      The classifier word is realized at Q via collective spell-out.
                                                      Extracting the classifier therefore means extracting Q, which also
                                                      contains Num as 2-part — [Cl-N] cannot topicalize without Num
                                                      (examples 5c, 14a). 
                                                      

                                                      Prediction 3: 的 de changes Cl visibility from D #

                                                      **Without 的**: Cl <₁ Q <₁ D — within-dimension transitivity applies.
                                                      Cl is in D's 1-part chain, so Cl's semantic content (sortal meaning,
                                                      e.g., "real glass") contributes to D's referential interpretation.
                                                      
                                                      **With 的**: Cl <₁ Q <₁ Mod ∧₂ D — cross-dimension path. Cl is NOT
                                                      in D's 1-part chain (D's 1-part chain goes through N only). Cl's
                                                      content is invisible to D → abstract measure reading ("glassful"). 
                                                      

                                                      Prediction 3b: 的 detaches N from Cl #

                                                      The key structural difference: without 的, N is 1-part of Cl
                                                      (N <₁ Cl); with 的, Cl is bare (no N) and N is directly 1-part
                                                      of D (N <₁ D). This is NOT movement — it is a different
                                                      derivation path (different subjunction targets). 
                                                      

                                                      With 的: Cl is bare — no N subjoined to it.

                                                      Prediction 3c: Two modifier positions #

                                                      Post-Cl (28c): Mod <₂ Cl. D has only Q as 1-part (not full).
                                                      Pre-DP (32b): Mod <₂ D. D is full (Q + Mod).
                                                      Both are grammatical, but the pre-DP structure blocks
                                                      wh-movement because D is full (see Prediction 5). 
                                                      

                                                      Post-Cl modifier: D is NOT full (only Q as 1-part).

                                                      Prediction 4: N is always visible from D #

                                                      Regardless of 的, N is always directly in D's 1-part chain:
                                                      without 的, N <₁ Cl <₁ Q <₁ D; with 的, N <₁ D.
                                                      The noun's denotation always contributes to the referent. 
                                                      

                                                      Prediction 5: Wh-island via dimensionality (§5) #

                                                      In (39a), D has only Q as 1-part (no Mod). D is not full, so
                                                      Num (the wh-phrase jǐ) can subjoin to D as its 2-part — the
                                                      intermediate step needed for wh-movement to C.
                                                      
                                                      In (39b), Mod is 2-part of D (pre-nominal modifier). D is full.
                                                      Num cannot subjoin to D → wh-movement is blocked. 
                                                      

                                                      Reading of a classifier determined by its structural visibility from D. When Cl is in D's 1-part chain, the classifier denotes a concrete object (sortal). When invisible, it denotes an abstract unit (mensural).

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                                                            Both modifier positions (post-Cl and pre-DP) preserve Cl visibility from D, so the classifier retains its sortal reading regardless of where Mod attaches.

                                                            杯 bēi (glass) is the classifier in examples (33)–(34). It has isMensural = true, indicating it CAN function as a measure phrase. Whether it DOES have a mensural reading is determined by the structure (§4 above), not by the lexical entry alone.

                                                            张 zhāng (flat surface) is the classifier in the basic structure (26b) and modification examples (28)–(29). It is a pure sortal classifier — not lexically mensural.

                                                            个 gè (general) is the default classifier in the dislocation examples (5c), (13b), (14a).

                                                            Both @cite{borer-2005} and @cite{wang-sun-2026} place Q below D and above N in the nominal spine, and both treat classifiers as independent of nouns. The mereological analysis adds a structural explanation for the 的-contrast that Borer's theory does not directly address: without 的, the classifier is visible to D (sortal); with 的, it is invisible (mensural).

                                                            The 1-part chain from D (without 的) follows the ordering D → Q → Cl → N. Two differences from @cite{borer-2005}'s EP (D → Num → Q → n → N): (1) n (categorizer) is absent in the mereological analysis; (2) Num is Q's 2-part here (outside the 1-part chain), whereas Borer places Num above Q in the spine. Both frameworks agree on D > Q > N ordering and on Q as the individuation locus.

                                                            Q is the individuation locus in both frameworks. Borer: Q hosts CL#/Div, converting CUM → QUA. Wang & Sun: Cl subjoins to Q as 1-part; Q spells out the classifier.

                                                            End-to-end argumentation for 杯 bēi:

                                                            1. Fragment: bēi has mensural affordance (isMensural = true)
                                                            2. Without 的: Cl visible from D → sortal reading (real glass)
                                                            3. With 的: Cl invisible from D → mensural reading (glassful)
                                                            4. Without-的 spine matches @cite{borer-2005}'s nominal EP

                                                            End-to-end for modification: Cl has room for Mod (derives 28c), Q is full (blocks 29a), and post-Cl modification preserves Cl visibility from D (sortal reading maintained).

                                                            The structural predictions in §§ 3–5 determine syntactic visibility. This section connects visibility to @cite{borer-2005}'s mereological semantics via the bridge in Interpretation.lean: visible Cl → QUA (count/sortal); invisible Cl → root preserved (mass/mensural).

                                                            Without 的: Cl visible → denotation is individuated → QUA.

                                                            With 的: Cl invisible → denotation equals the root predicate.

                                                            With 的 and a cumulative root: denotation is CUM (mass/mensural).

                                                            End-to-end 的-contrast: same root, different structure, opposite mereological properties.

                                                            End-to-end argumentation connecting three independent theories:

                                                            1. **@cite{chierchia-1998}**: Mandarin is [+arg, -pred] → nouns are
                                                               kind-denoting → bare nouns are arguments → classifiers required.
                                                            2. **@cite{borer-2005}**: Roots denote cumulative (CUM) predicates.
                                                               The Q head hosts individuation (Div), converting CUM → QUA.
                                                               Classifiers spell out at Q.
                                                            3. **@cite{wang-sun-2026}**: Mereological syntax determines whether
                                                               Cl is visible from D via 1-part chain transitivity. Visible Cl → QUA
                                                               (sortal); invisible Cl → CUM (mensural). The particle 的 changes
                                                               dimensional attachment, toggling visibility.
                                                            
                                                            The CUM P hypothesis in `bei_semantic_contrast` IS Borer's thesis
                                                            instantiated for Chierchia's [+arg, -pred] languages: root predicates
                                                            are cumulative because they denote kind-level extensions (closed under
                                                            join). 
                                                            

                                                            Mandarin's NMP is [+arg, -pred]: nouns denote kinds, requiring classifiers for counting. This is the typological precondition for the entire mereological analysis.

                                                            The Chierchia–Borer–Wang&Sun chain for 杯 bēi:

                                                            1. Mandarin NMP = argOnly → classifiers required (Chierchia)
                                                            2. bēi has mensural affordance (Fragment)
                                                            3. Without 的: Cl visible → QUA (Borer + Wang&Sun)
                                                            4. With 的: Cl invisible → CUM under Borer's thesis
                                                            5. Same root, opposite mereological properties (Interpretation)