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Linglib.Theories.Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005

Nominal Syntax-Semantics Mapping #

@cite{borer-2005} @cite{champollion-2017} @cite{chierchia-1998} @cite{grimshaw-2005} @cite{krifka-1998}

Compositional interpretation of the nominal extended projection via mereological predicates. Bridges the syntactic spine N(F0) → n(F1) → Q(F2) → Num(F3) → D(F4) from ExtendedProjection to the CUM/QUA distinction from Core/Mereology.

Core Thesis #

Roots denote cumulative (mass-like) predicates. The mass/count distinction is not a lexical property of nouns but emerges from functional structure:

Why Q Below Num (§6) #

The F-value ordering Q(F2) < Num(F3) — individuation below counting — is not arbitrary. Section 6 proves it is the unique ordering consistent with compositional semantics:

  1. Selectional typing: Q takes CUM input (from roots) and produces QUA output. Num takes QUA input (from Q) and measures it. The chain root → Q → Num is well-typed; root → Num → Q is not, because Num on CUM input has no canonical measure.
  2. Asymmetric dependency: countIndividuated calls Div but Div never calls counting. Dependents must be above dependencies.
  3. Truncation coherence: every prefix of [N, n, Q, Num, D] has coherent semantics. The prefix [N, n, Num] (counting without individuation) is incoherent.
  4. Typological prediction: Q without Num is attested (individuated but uncounted); Num without Q requires covert Q.

Sections #

  1. Individuation Operator (Div/CL#)
  2. Structural Mass/Count Distinction
  3. Nominal EP Interpretation
  4. The Great Divide
  5. Parametric Individuation (DivCL)
  6. Ordering Argument: Why Q Below Num
  7. Bridges
def Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.Div {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : αProp) :
αProp

The individuation operator (Borer's CL#/Div).

Restricts a predicate to its atomic elements — the semantic content of the Q head (F2) in the nominal EP spine.

Div(P) = {x ∈ P | Atom(x)}

"beer" (mass, CUM) → Div → "a beer" (count, one unit) "stone" (mass, CUM) → Div → "a stone" (count, one piece)

In classifier languages the classifier morpheme fills Q and may further constrain which atoms qualify (see DivCL in § 5).

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    theorem Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.div_sub {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] {P : αProp} {x : α} (h : Div P x) :
    P x

    Div restricts: Div(P) ⊆ P.

    theorem Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.div_atom {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] {P : αProp} {x : α} (h : Div P x) :

    Every element of Div(P) is an atom.

    Core theorem: Individuated predicates are quantized.

    Atoms have no proper parts, so no proper part of a Div(P)-element can also be in Div(P). This is why count nouns are quantized: "three beers" is telic because the individuated predicate is QUA.

    The proof is structural: it holds for ANY root predicate P, regardless of whether P is lexically "mass" or "count."

    The anti-lexicalist theorem: the same root yields both mass (CUM) and count (QUA) readings via functional structure.

    This is the formal refutation of countable : Bool as a lexical feature on nouns. The root √BEER has a cumulative denotation; functional structure alone determines whether it surfaces as mass "beer" or count "a beer."

    Borer (2005 §3.1): "there are no count nouns or mass nouns. There is, rather, a mass functional projection and a count functional projection."

    theorem Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.algClosure_div_sub_cum {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : αProp) (hCum : Mereology.CUM P) (x : α) :

    Sums of individuated elements remain in the original cumulative predicate: AlgClosure(Div(P)) ⊆ P when CUM(P).

    Linguistically: any plurality of beer-units is still beer (mass). "Three beers" denotes an entity that is also "beer." Pluralization does not escape the mass extension.

    def Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.countIndividuated {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : αProp) (μ : α) (n : ) :
    αProp

    Counting requires prior individuation.

    "Three beers" = QMOD(Div(√BEER), μ, 3): beer-atom sums whose measure is exactly 3. Inherits QUA from Div.

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      Whether an EP spine projects individuation (Q head present).

      The Q head (Borer's CL#/Div, F2 in the EP hierarchy) is the locus of the mass/count distinction. Its presence in the spine determines count; its absence determines mass.

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        Whether an EP spine projects number (Num head present).

        The Num head (F3) hosts numeral/quantifier syntax. It is typically projected only when Q is also present, since counting presupposes individuation (see num_presupposes_q).

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          Borer's prediction about countable: the countable field on fragment noun entries is derivable from the EP spine. Under Borer's theory, a noun surfaces as count iff its nominal EP projects Q (individuation). The fragment records countable as an observable fact; this theorem shows it equals spineHasQ.

          Under @cite{chierchia-1998}, countable is a lexical primitive and this theorem is an accidental correlation rather than an explanation. The two theories agree on the data but disagree on direction of explanation.

          This is a definitional schema — instances for specific nouns appear in bridge files where fragment entries are paired with specific EP spines.

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            The Great Divide: cross-linguistic variation in nominal systems reduces to how individuation is realized.

            This is NOT a lexical parameter on nouns or a typological parameter on languages (cf. Chierchia's NominalMapping), but a property of the functional inventory.

            • overtClassifier : IndividuationStrategy

              Classifier languages (Chinese, Japanese, Thai): CL# is an overt functional head filled by a classifier morpheme. Enumeration requires an overt classifier: 三只猫 (sān zhī māo).

            • covertDiv : IndividuationStrategy

              Non-classifier languages (English, Romance, Slavic): Div is a covert functional head. Plural morphology (-s, -en) is its morphological reflex. Enumeration is direct: "three cats."

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                Both individuation strategies produce the same semantic result. The Great Divide is morphosyntactic, not semantic: overt classifiers and covert Div both yield QUA via individuation.

                In classifier languages, a ClassifierEntry spells out the Q head. This bridges @cite{aikhenvald-2000}'s typological ClassifierEntry to Borer's syntactic CL# at Q(F2) in the nominal EP.

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                  @[reducible, inline]

                  A classifier predicate: a constraint on which atoms qualify for individuation. In classifier languages, the classifier morpheme contributes this predicate; in non-classifier languages, it is trivially fun _ => True (covert Div).

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                    def Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.DivCL {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : αProp) (cl : ClassifierPred α) :
                    αProp

                    Parametric individuation: like Div but further constrained by a classifier predicate.

                    DivCL P cl = {x ∈ P | Atom(x) ∧ cl(x)}

                    Examples:

                    • 只 (zhī, small animal): cl = fun x => x.animacy ∧ x.isSmall
                    • 本 (běn, bound volume): cl = fun x => x.shape ==.boundVolume
                    • Covert Div (English): cl = fun _ => True

                    This connects the semantic parameters from classifier fragment entries (ClassifierEntry.semantics) to the Div operator.

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                      theorem Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.divCL_sub_div {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] {P : αProp} {cl : ClassifierPred α} {x : α} (h : DivCL P cl x) :
                      Div P x

                      DivCL refines Div: DivCL(P, cl) ⊆ Div(P).

                      Parametric individuation is still quantized. The classifier predicate only narrows which atoms qualify; it doesn't change the fundamental property that atoms have no proper parts.

                      theorem Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.div_eq_divCL_trivial {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : αProp) (x : α) :
                      Div P x DivCL P (fun (x : α) => True) x

                      Div is DivCL with the trivial classifier. Non-classifier languages (English) have covert Div, which is parametric individuation with no classifier restriction.

                      def Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.countCL {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : αProp) (cl : ClassifierPred α) (μ : α) (n : ) :
                      αProp

                      Counting with a classifier: QMOD(DivCL(P, cl), μ, n). "三只猫" = countCL(√CAT, isSmallAnimal, μ, 3).

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                        The selectional typing argument #

                        The semantic operations at each EP level form a typed pipeline:

                        root (CUM) →[Q/CL]→ individuated (QUA) →[Num/#]→ measured →[D]→ referential
                        

                        Q's input type is CUM (roots denote cumulative predicates), and its output type is QUA (individuated predicates are quantized, by div_qua). Num's input type is QUA (counting presupposes individuated units).

                        If the ordering were reversed (Num below Q), Num would receive CUM input and attempt to count a mass predicate — but counting mass without prior individuation has no canonical measure. The selectional chain would be ill-typed.

                        We formalize this as three properties that the Borer ordering satisfies and the reverse ordering violates.

                        The mereological status of a predicate: cumulative (mass-like), quantized (count-like), or measured (counted). This tracks the semantic type through the nominal EP pipeline.

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                            The semantic effect of each nominal functional head on the mereological status of its complement.

                            • Q (individuation): CUM → QUA (by div_qua)
                            • Num (counting): QUA → measured (by QMOD on QUA)
                            • n (categorizer): CUM → CUM (categorization preserves mass)
                            • D (determination): any → referential (not tracked here)

                            The key insight: Q's transition CUM → QUA is well-defined (proved by div_qua), and Num's transition QUA → measured is well-defined (QMOD on a quantized predicate gives a quantized subpredicate). But Num on CUM input — counting mass — has no canonical semantics.

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                              @[irreducible]

                              A nominal EP spine is selectively well-typed if each head's input status matches its predecessor's output status.

                              This is the compositional coherence condition: the semantic pipeline must be type-correct at every step.

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                                The Borer ordering [N(CUM), n(CUM), Q(QUA), Num(measured)] is selectively well-typed: each head receives the correct input.

                                • N starts CUM (root predicate)
                                • n expects CUM, outputs CUM ✓
                                • Q expects CUM, outputs QUA ✓ (by div_qua)
                                • Num expects QUA, outputs measured ✓

                                The reverse ordering [N(CUM), n(CUM), Num(?), Q(QUA)] is selectively ILL-typed: Num receives CUM input but expects QUA.

                                Counting mass (CUM) without prior individuation is undefined: there is no canonical unit to count. "Three beer" (without a classifier or plural morphology) is not a well-formed count expression in any language — it requires covert individuation.

                                The Borer ordering is the unique well-typed ordering of Q and Num.

                                Among the two possible orderings of Q and Num in the nominal spine (with N at F0 and n at F1 fixed), only the Borer ordering (Q below Num) produces a selectively well-typed pipeline.

                                The asymmetric dependency argument #

                                countIndividuated is defined as QMOD (Div P) μ n — it calls Div internally. But Div is defined as fun x => P x ∧ Atom x — no reference to counting, measurement, or QMOD. The dependency is one-directional: counting depends on individuation, not vice versa.

                                In a bottom-up compositional EP, a head that depends on another's output must be structurally above it (higher F-value). Since Num depends on Q's output but Q does not depend on Num's, we get fValue Q < fValue Num.

                                Q's individuation operator (Div) is self-contained: it depends only on the root predicate and the mereological atom concept. It does not reference counting, measurement, or Num.

                                theorem Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Borer2005.counting_depends_on_div {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : αProp) (μ : α) (n : ) :

                                Num's counting operator (countIndividuated) depends on Q's output: it calls Div as a subcomputation.

                                The F-value ordering reflects the dependency: Q (F2) is below Num (F3), so Q's output is available as Num's input in bottom-up composition.

                                The truncation coherence argument #

                                Every prefix of the Borer-ordered spine [N, n, Q, Num, D] yields a coherent nominal structure:

                                PrefixSpineInterpretation
                                bare root[N, n]CUM: mass predicate
                                individuated[N, n, Q]QUA: one atomic unit ("a beer")
                                counted[N, n, Q, Num]measured: fixed count ("3 beers")
                                determined[N, n, Q, Num, D]referential ("the 3 beers")

                                Under the reverse ordering, the prefix [N, n, Num] would be "counted but not individuated" — semantically incoherent. We capture this via the truncation coherence check below.

                                The mereological status after projecting a spine prefix. Returns none if the pipeline is ill-typed at any step.

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                                  The reverse-ordered prefix [Num, n, N] is ill-typed: Num expects QUA input but n provides CUM.

                                  Typological prediction #

                                  Q without Num should be attested (individuated but uncounted: "a beer" projects Q but not Num). Num without Q should require covert Q (you can't count without individuation, so [N, n, Num] is ill-typed by reverse_truncation_incoherent). This predicts:

                                  Q without Num: well-typed. Individuated but uncounted. Attested: Chinese bare classifiers, English "a beer."

                                  Bridge to @cite{chierchia-1998} #

                                  Borer and Chierchia offer competing accounts of the mass/count distinction and cross-linguistic variation:

                                  Dimension@cite{chierchia-1998}@cite{borer-2005}
                                  Mass/countLexical (MassCount)Structural (Div)
                                  Cross-ling.Parameter (NominalMapping)Functional inventory
                                  "beer" → countNot predictedDiv(√BEER)
                                  Classifier langs[+arg, -pred] parameterOvert CL# at Q

                                  Both predict CUM for mass and QUA for count. They disagree on WHERE the distinction is encoded — lexicon vs. functional spine. A full formal comparison belongs in Theories/Comparisons/.

                                  Bridge to @cite{krifka-1998} / Mereology #

                                  Borer's individuation connects directly to Krifka's event mereology already formalized in Core/Mereology:

                                  The composition qua_pullback (θ : Event → Entity) (div_qua P) is already supported by Core/Mereology §8.