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Linglib.Phenomena.Causatives.Studies.Coon2019

Chuj Verb Building: Empirical Data and Bridge Theorems #

@cite{coon-2019}

Theory-neutral empirical data from @cite{coon-2019} "Building verbs in Chuj: Consequences for the nature of roots." Journal of Linguistics 55(1): 35–81.

Chuj is a Q'anjob'alan (Mayan) language spoken in Guatemala and Mexico. The data here encodes the paper's primary empirical observations about root classes, voice morphology, and argument structure, without committing to the theoretical analysis.

Data encoded #

  1. Root classes (§§2–3): four morphosyntactic classes of roots (√TV, √ITV, √POS, √NOM), identified by their surface distribution.
  2. Voice suffixes (Table 58/78): Ø, -ch, -j, -w with their morphological and distributional properties.
  3. Paradigm grammaticality (§§2–5): which root×voice combinations are grammatical.
  4. -aj distribution (§5): existential closure suffix tracks implicit arguments.
  5. Agent diagnostics (§4.1–4.2): agent-oriented adverbs and by-phrases distinguish -ch from -j.
  6. Example verbs with glosses, organized by root class.

Bridge theorems #

Chuj fragment bridge #

Connects the Chuj fragment (Fragments/Chuj/VerbBuilding.lean) to the empirical data.

  1. Root class ↔ Root arity: The phenomena's CRootClass maps to the fragment's Root values. √TV = selectsTheme, others = noTheme.

  2. Voice suffix ↔ VoiceHead: Each suffix maps to the fragment's VoiceHead, with matching properties (theta assignment, D feature, phase head status).

  3. Paradigm predictions: The fragment's isGrammatical matches the data's paradigm attestation for all root×voice combinations.

  4. -aj predictions: The fragment's hasImplicitExternal and triggersAj match the data's -aj distribution.

  5. Agent diagnostics: The fragment's assignsTheta matches the data's agent adverb and by-phrase diagnostics.

  6. Division of labor: The data's formsBareTransitive aligns with the fragment's arity distinction: only roots with selectsTheme form bare transitives.

Root typology bridge #

Connects the theory-side predictions of Theories/Morphology/RootTypology.lean (@cite{beavers-etal-2021} formalization) to the empirical data in Phenomena/Causatives/Studies/BeaversEtAl2021.lean.

  1. Classification isomorphism: The theory's RootType and the phenomena's CoSRootClass are provably isomorphic — they describe the same partition.

  2. Diagnostic alignment: The phenomena's semantic diagnostics (changeDenialTest, restitutiveAgainTest) agree exactly with the theory's Boolean correlates (entailsChange, allowsRestitutiveAgain).

  3. Prediction ↔ attestation: The theory predicts PC roots HAVE simple statives and result roots LACK them; the empirical data confirms this (PC: 7/8 sample roots ≥ 50%; result: all 10 sample roots ≤ 10%).

  4. Markedness prediction: The theory predicts PC verbs are marked and result verbs are unmarked; the statistical comparison confirms PC median (56.01%) exceeds result median (15.20%).

  5. Fragment grounding: The Chuj fragment's Root values instantiate the theory's predictions — e.g., rootTV_res.entailsChange = true matches the theory's RootType.entailsChange.result = true.

The four morphosyntactic root classes in Chuj, identified by surface distribution (which suffixes they combine with, whether they form bare transitive stems). Labels follow Coon's notation.

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      The four voice suffixes in Chuj (Table 58, p. 76).

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          Status of the external argument for each voice form.

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              Whether -aj (existential closure) appears on a √TV stem in each voice form (Table 58, p. 76).

              -aj marks the presence of an implicit argument:

              • Ø: no implicit arg → no -aj
              • -ch: implicit external arg → -aj on stem (ex. 36, p. 59)
              • -j: no external arg at all → no -aj
              • -w (absolutive): implicit internal arg → -aj (ex. 54a, p. 64)
              • -w (incorporation): overt bare NP internal arg → no -aj (ex. 55, p. 65)

              For the -w cases, we encode the two antipassive subtypes separately.

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                  A Chuj verb entry with its root class and gloss.

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                              A glossed Chuj example sentence.

                              • exNumber :

                                Example number in the paper

                              • page :

                                Page number

                              • chuj : String

                                Chuj form

                              • english : String

                                English translation

                              • verb : ChujVerb

                                Root used

                              • Voice suffix

                              • grammatical : Bool

                                Whether the example is grammatical

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                                  (8) Active transitive: √TV + Ø (§2.2, p. 37).

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                                    (20) √ITV + null v (§3.1, p. 40).

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                                      (23b) √POS + -w (§3.2, p. 44).

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                                        (16b) √NOM + -w (§3.3, p. 46).

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                                          (36) √TV + -ch (passive, §4.1, p. 59).

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                                            (43a) √TV + -j (agentless passive, §4.2, p. 62).

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                                              (47) Agent adverb with -ch: grammatical (§4.1, p. 61).

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                                                (48) Agent adverb with -j: ungrammatical (§4.2, p. 62).

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                                                  (54a) √TV + -w absolutive antipassive (§4.3, p. 64).

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                                                    (55) √TV + -w incorporation antipassive (§4.3, p. 65).

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                                                      All example √TV roots are classified as tv.

                                                      All example √ITV roots are classified as itv.

                                                      All example √POS roots are classified as pos.

                                                      All example √NOM roots are classified as nom.

                                                      √TV maps to a theme-selecting root; all others map to non-theme roots. This is the formal content of the observation that only √TV forms bare transitive stems (§2.2).

                                                      The data's formsBareTransitive matches the fragment's hasInternalArg. Only roots that select a theme can form bare transitive stems.

                                                      Theta assignment matches: the data's hasAgent agrees with the fragment's assignsTheta for all four voice suffixes.

                                                      The data's agent adverb diagnostic matches the fragment's theta assignment. Agent-oriented adverbs require a theta-role-bearing Voice head.

                                                      The -ch vs -j contrast is the critical test: both are passives (no overt external arg), but they differ in theta assignment. The agent diagnostic data confirms the fragment's distinction.

                                                      The data's -aj on passives matches the fragment's hasImplicitExternal. -aj appears when there is an implicit (but not absent) external argument.

                                                      The fragment predicts correct event decompositions for each root×voice combination attested in the data.

                                                      √TV result + Ø → causative (active transitive) √TV result + -j → inchoative (agentless passive / anticausative) √TV result + -ch → causative (passive with implicit agent) √ITV + -w → activity (intransitive)

                                                      The core empirical claim (Table 2/77, p. 76): roots determine internal arguments, Voice determines external arguments.

                                                      The data confirms this in two ways:

                                                      1. Theme persistence: √TV always has an internal arg regardless of Voice
                                                      2. Voice determines agent: same root with Ø has overt agent, with -ch has implicit agent, with -j has no agent

                                                      Theme persistence across all four voice forms for √TV. The data shows √TV maintains its internal argument in active (Ø), passive (-ch), agentless passive (-j), and antipassive (-w). The fragment encodes this as a root property (arity), not a derived property — so it holds by construction.

                                                      The four root classes have distinct denotation types (@cite{coon-2019}, (3)). The fragment's denotationType field captures these: √TV/√ITV = eventPred ⟨e,⟨s,t⟩⟩, √POS = measureFn ⟨e,⟨s,d⟩⟩, √NOM = entityPred ⟨e,t⟩.

                                                      √TV and √ITV share semantic type (event predicate) but differ in arity. This is the formal content of the observation that both compose with an entity argument per @cite{davis-1997}, but only √TV projects a syntactic complement.

                                                      The mapping is a bijection (left inverse).

                                                      The phenomena's changeDenialTest agrees with the theory's entailsChange.

                                                      Theory: RootType.entailsChange.result = true (result roots entail change) Phenomena: changeDenialTest.result =.negative ("#The shattered vase has never shattered" is contradictory — the state entails prior change)

                                                      The relationship is: entailsChange = true ↔ changeDenial = negative. That is, entailing change means the change-denial test FAILS.

                                                      Theory predicts: PC roots have simple statives. Data confirms: 7 of 8 PC sample roots have ≥ 50% attestation. The one exception (oldRoot, age class) has 0 — noted by Beavers et al. as a crosslinguistic outlier.

                                                      Theory predicts: result roots LACK simple statives. Data confirms: all 10 result sample roots have ≤ 10% attestation.

                                                      The theory's markedness complementarity predicts that if a language marks PC verbs, it should NOT also show result verbs as more marked than PC verbs. The fourth logically possible language type (result marked, PC unmarked) is unattested — exactly 3 types are attested. This matches the theory: markedness_complementarity says verbal and stative markedness are always opposite.

                                                      Every PC root in the empirical sample is classified as PC, and the theory predicts PC roots should have simple statives — they do.

                                                      Every result root in the empirical sample is classified as result, and the theory predicts result roots lack simple statives — they do.