Chuj Verb Building: Empirical Data and Bridge Theorems #
@cite{coon-2019}
Minimalist analysis and bridge theorems for @cite{coon-2019} "Building verbs in Chuj: Consequences for the nature of roots." Journal of Linguistics 55(1): 35–81.
Theory-neutral data (root classes, voice morphology, paradigm grammaticality,
-aj distribution, agent diagnostics, root lexicon) lives in the Chuj fragment
(Fragments/Chuj/VerbBuilding.lean). This file provides:
Paradigm examples (§§1–2) #
Glossed Chuj sentences with root, voice suffix, and grammaticality.
Minimalist analysis (§§3–9) #
Voice heads as Minimalism.VoiceHead instances, event decomposition via
buildDecomposition, existential closure (-aj), and division of labor /
causative alternation proved from the Voice–root split.
Bridge theorems (§§10–16) #
Connect the fragment's theory-neutral types (CRootClass, ChujVoiceSuffix,
isGrammatical, etc.) to Minimalist VoiceHead properties and to the
@cite{beavers-etal-2021} root typology.
Chuj fragment bridge (§§10–15) #
- Root class ↔ Root arity:
CRootClassmaps toRootvalues. √TV = selectsTheme, others = noTheme. - Voice suffix ↔ VoiceHead: theta assignment, D feature, phase head.
- Paradigm predictions:
isGrammaticalmatches data attestation. - -aj predictions:
hasImplicitExternal/triggersAjmatch -aj distribution. - Agent diagnostics:
assignsThetamatches agent adverb / by-phrase. - Division of labor:
formsBareTransitivealigns with arity.
Root typology bridge (§§17–23) #
Connects Theories/Morphology/RootTypology.lean (@cite{beavers-etal-2021})
to empirical data in Phenomena/Causation/Studies/BeaversEtAl2021.lean.
Classification isomorphism: The theory's
RootTypeand the phenomena'sCoSRootClassare provably isomorphic — they describe the same partition.Diagnostic alignment: The phenomena's semantic diagnostics (
changeDenialTest,restitutiveAgainTest) agree exactly with the theory's Boolean correlates (entailsChange,allowsRestitutiveAgain).Prediction ↔ attestation: The theory predicts PC roots HAVE simple statives and result roots LACK them; the empirical data confirms this (PC: 7/8 sample roots ≥ 50%; result: all 10 sample roots ≤ 10%).
Markedness prediction: The theory predicts PC verbs are marked and result verbs are unmarked; the statistical comparison confirms PC median (56.01%) exceeds result median (15.20%).
Fragment grounding: The Chuj fragment's
Rootvalues instantiate the theory's predictions — e.g.,rootTV_res.entailsChange = truematches the theory'sRootType.entailsChange.result = true.
A glossed Chuj example sentence.
- exNumber : ℕ
Example number in the paper
- page : ℕ
Page number
- chuj : String
Chuj form
- english : String
English translation
- verb : Fragments.Chuj.ChujRoot
Root used (from the Chuj fragment lexicon)
- voice : Fragments.Chuj.ChujVoiceSuffix
Voice suffix
- grammatical : Bool
Whether the example is grammatical
Instances For
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(10a) Active transitive: √TV + Ø (§2.2, p. 41).
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(7a) √ITV + null v (§2.1, p. 40).
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(23a) √POS + -w (§3, p. 48).
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(16b) √NOM + -w (§2.5, p. 45).
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(62) √TV + -chaj (passive, §4.1.1, p. 68).
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(59) √TV + -j (agentless passive, §4.1.2, p. 67).
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(63a) Agent adverb with -chaj: grammatical (§4.1.1, p. 68).
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(67a) Agent adverb with -j: ungrammatical (§4.1.2, p. 70).
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(54a) √TV + -w incorporation antipassive (§4, p. 64).
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(55b) √TV + -w absolutive antipassive (§4, p. 65).
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Grammatical examples are predicted grammatical; ungrammatical examples are predicted ungrammatical.
Active transitive v/Voice⁰ (Ø): introduces overt agent in Spec,VoiceP, assigns ergative case, phase head (v*).
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- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.vØ = { flavor := Minimalism.VoiceFlavor.agentive, hasD := true, phaseHead := true }
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Agentive intransitive v/Voice⁰ (-w): introduces overt agent in Spec,VoiceP but assigns absolutive (not ergative) case (p. 54). Merges directly with root — cannot attach to derived stems (p. 54, (34b)). Used with √NOM and √POS to verbalize roots, and with √TV in incorporation antipassives (where the theme is a bare NP). Also models the null intransitive v/Voice⁰ for √ITV roots (p. 40): both introduce an agent and assign absolutive, differing only in overt (-w) vs null morphological realization.
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- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.v_w = { flavor := Minimalism.VoiceFlavor.agentive, hasD := true, phaseHead := false }
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Passive v/Voice⁰ (-ch): assigns θ-role to an implicit (existentially bound) external argument (p. 68–69). Agent-oriented adverbs and by-phrases are licensed, confirming semantic presence of agent. Only combines with √TV roots.
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- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.v_ch = { flavor := Minimalism.VoiceFlavor.agentive, hasD := false, phaseHead := false }
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Agentless passive v/Voice⁰ (-j): verbalizes stem but introduces no external argument — neither overt nor implicit (p. 70: "does not assign a thematic role and does not merge an external argument"). No agent-oriented adverbs, no agentive by-phrases. Used with √TV (agentless passive) and non-transitive roots (inchoative/stative readings).
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- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.v_j = { flavor := Minimalism.VoiceFlavor.nonThematic, hasD := false, phaseHead := false }
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Lower event structure for result roots: cause + change + result state.
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Lower event structure for activity roots (√TV PC, √ITV, √NOM): no sub-eventive decomposition below Voice.
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Lower event structure for positional roots (√POS): stative.
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All three agentive voices (Ø, -w, -ch) assign a θ-role.
-j does NOT assign a θ-role: agentless (p. 70).
√TV result + Ø → causative [vDO, vGO, vBE] (active transitive).
√TV result + -ch → causative [vDO, vGO, vBE] (passive with implicit agent). Event structure is still causative — the agent is semantically present.
√TV result + -j → inchoative [vGO, vBE] (agentless passive / anticausative). No agent at all — the event is a pure change-of-state (p. 70).
√ITV + v/Voice⁰ → activity [vDO] (intransitive). Uses v_w, which shares formal properties with the null intransitive v/Voice⁰ for √ITV (both are agentive, non-ERG-assigning; p. 40).
√POS + -w → [vDO, vBE]: agent assumes a position (agentive stative). (p. 48, (23)): chot-w-i "The frog hopped."
√NOM + -w → activity [vDO] (denominal agentive intransitive). (p. 45, (16b)): chanhal-w-i "I danced."
Does this Voice head have an implicit (existentially bound) external argument? True when Voice assigns θ but has no overt specifier.
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-aj (Existential Closure) surfaces when there is any implicit argument: implicit external (from Voice, as in -ch) or implicit internal (from theme suppression in absolutive antipassive -w-aj).
implicitInternal is true when a √TV root's theme is not filled
by an overt DP (absolutive antipassive, not incorporation antipassive).
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- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.triggersAj v implicitInternal = (Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.hasImplicitExternal v || implicitInternal)
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-ch always triggers -aj (implicit external agent; p. 69).
Ø never has an implicit external (agent is overt ERG DP).
-w never has an implicit external (agent is overt ABS DP; p. 54).
-j has no implicit external (there is no agent at all, not even implicit; p. 70: "no thematic agent, implicit or otherwise").
-ch-aj: passive of √TV with implicit agent (ex. (58), p. 66).
-w-aj: absolutive antipassive (√TV theme is implicit; ex. (58), p. 66).
-w incorporation antipassive: theme is overt bare NP → no -aj (ex. (58), p. 66; cf. (26b), p. 50).
-w serves the same structural function across three root classes: it merges directly with the root, verbalizes it, and introduces an agent without assigning ERG (p. 54–56). The only difference is the root's lower event structure.
Division of labor (@cite{coon-2019}, ex. (2)/(77), p. 75): the root determines whether a theme is present; Voice determines whether an agent is present. Same root with different Voice → different event type; same Voice with different root → same external argument status.
The causative alternation in Chuj is determined by Voice, not by the root
(instantiation of voice_determines_causativity_go_be for Chuj heads).
For result roots, causativity tracks exactly with θ-assignment.
Map the phenomena's root class to the fragment's Root.
This connects theory-neutral distributional classes to the
theoretically analyzed Root structure.
√TV maps to rootTV_res as a representative — the choice between
rootTV_res and rootTV_pc is arbitrary for arity (both are
selectsTheme); only changeType differs.
Equations
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toFragmentRoot Fragments.Chuj.CRootClass.tv = Fragments.Chuj.rootTV_res
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toFragmentRoot Fragments.Chuj.CRootClass.itv = Fragments.Chuj.rootITV
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toFragmentRoot Fragments.Chuj.CRootClass.pos = Fragments.Chuj.rootPOS
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toFragmentRoot Fragments.Chuj.CRootClass.nom = Fragments.Chuj.rootNOM
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√TV maps to a theme-selecting root; all others map to non-theme roots. This is the formal content of the observation that only √TV forms bare transitive stems (§2.2).
The data's formsBareTransitive matches the fragment's hasInternalArg.
Only roots that select a theme can form bare transitive stems.
Map the phenomena's voice suffix to the Minimalist VoiceHead.
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- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toVoiceHead Fragments.Chuj.ChujVoiceSuffix.null = Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.vØ
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toVoiceHead Fragments.Chuj.ChujVoiceSuffix.ch = Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.v_ch
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toVoiceHead Fragments.Chuj.ChujVoiceSuffix.j = Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.v_j
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.toVoiceHead Fragments.Chuj.ChujVoiceSuffix.w = Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019.v_w
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Theta assignment matches: the data's hasAgent agrees with the
fragment's assignsTheta for all four voice suffixes.
External argument status matches D feature: overt external arg ↔ hasD = true.
Only Ø is a phase head (assigns ERG case).
The data's agent adverb diagnostic matches the fragment's theta assignment. Agent-oriented adverbs require a theta-role-bearing Voice head.
The -ch vs -j contrast is the critical test: both are passives (no overt external arg), but they differ in theta assignment. The agent diagnostic data confirms the fragment's distinction.
The data's -aj on passives matches the fragment's hasImplicitExternal.
-aj appears when there is an implicit (but not absent) external argument.
The fragment's triggersAj predicts the data's full -aj distribution:
- -ch (implicit ext) → -aj
- -j (no ext) → no -aj
- -w absolutive (implicit int) → -aj
- -w incorporation (overt int) → no -aj
The fragment predicts correct event decompositions for each root×voice combination attested in the data.
√TV result + Ø → causative (active transitive) √TV result + -j → inchoative (agentless passive / anticausative) √TV result + -ch → causative (passive with implicit agent) √ITV + -w → activity (intransitive)
The core empirical claim (ex. (2)/(77), p. 75): roots determine internal arguments, Voice determines external arguments.
The data confirms this in two ways:
- Theme persistence: √TV always has an internal arg regardless of Voice
- Voice determines agent: same root with Ø has overt agent, with -ch has implicit agent, with -j has no agent
Theme persistence across all four voice forms for √TV. The data shows √TV maintains its internal argument in active (Ø), passive (-ch), agentless passive (-j), and antipassive (-w). The fragment encodes this as a root property (arity), not a derived property — so it holds by construction.
The four root classes have distinct denotation types (@cite{coon-2019}, (3)).
The fragment's denotationType field captures these:
√TV/√ITV = eventPred ⟨e,⟨s,t⟩⟩, √POS = measureFn ⟨e,⟨s,d⟩⟩,
√NOM = entityPred ⟨e,t⟩.
√TV and √ITV share semantic type (event predicate) but differ in arity. This is the formal content of the observation that both compose with an entity argument per @cite{davis-1997}, but only √TV projects a syntactic complement.
The -w suffix cross-class generalization: -w verbalizes √POS and √NOM roots (data: both take -w), and the fragment predicts different event structures depending on the root's lower structure.
Map the theory's root type to the phenomena's root class. These are parallel enums — the bridge makes the correspondence explicit.
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Map back from phenomena to theory.
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The mapping is a bijection (left inverse).
The mapping is a bijection (right inverse).
The phenomena's changeDenialTest agrees with the theory's entailsChange.
Theory: RootType.entailsChange.result = true (result roots entail change)
Phenomena: changeDenialTest.result =.negative ("#The shattered vase
has never shattered" is contradictory — the state entails prior change)
The relationship is: entailsChange = true ↔ changeDenial = negative. That is, entailing change means the change-denial test FAILS.
The phenomena's restitutiveAgainTest agrees with the theory's
allowsRestitutiveAgain.
Both diagnostics jointly align with the full semantic correlate package.
This is the bridge version of semantic_determines_morphosyntax.
Theory predicts: PC roots have simple statives. Data confirms: 7 of 8 PC sample roots have ≥ 50% attestation. The one exception (oldRoot, age class) has 0 — noted by Beavers et al. as a crosslinguistic outlier.
Theory predicts: result roots LACK simple statives. Data confirms: all 10 result sample roots have ≤ 10% attestation.
Theory predicts: PC verbs are morphologically marked; result verbs are unmarked (Markedness Generalization, @cite{beavers-etal-2021}). Data confirms: PC median marked % (56.01) > result median (15.20).
The theory's markedness complementarity predicts that if a language
marks PC verbs, it should NOT also show result verbs as more marked
than PC verbs. The fourth logically possible language type (result
marked, PC unmarked) is unattested — exactly 3 types are attested.
This matches the theory: markedness_complementarity says verbal and
stative markedness are always opposite.
Chuj √TV result roots instantiate the theory's result root predictions: entails change, no simple stative, unmarked verb.
Chuj √TV PC roots instantiate the theory's PC root predictions: no change entailment, has simple stative, marked verb.
The Chuj fragment witnesses the full orthogonality theorem: all four cells of the (arity × changeType) matrix are inhabited.
Per-root class verification: each Chuj root's change entailment matches
its predicted morphosyntactic correlates via grand_unification.
Every PC root in the empirical sample is classified as PC, and the theory predicts PC roots should have simple statives — they do.
Every result root in the empirical sample is classified as result, and the theory predicts result roots lack simple statives — they do.
The subclass taxonomies are parallel: the theory's PCClass and the
phenomena's PCSubclass have the same constructors. Similarly for
ResultClass and ResultSubclass. This is verified by exhaustive
mapping (both have 6 PC subclasses and 8 result subclasses).