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Linglib.Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019

Chuj Verb Building: Empirical Data and Bridge Theorems #

@cite{coon-2019}

Minimalist analysis and bridge theorems for @cite{coon-2019} "Building verbs in Chuj: Consequences for the nature of roots." Journal of Linguistics 55(1): 35–81.

Theory-neutral data (root classes, voice morphology, paradigm grammaticality, -aj distribution, agent diagnostics, root lexicon) lives in the Chuj fragment (Fragments/Chuj/VerbBuilding.lean). This file provides:

Paradigm examples (§§1–2) #

Glossed Chuj sentences with root, voice suffix, and grammaticality.

Minimalist analysis (§§3–9) #

Voice heads as Minimalism.VoiceHead instances, event decomposition via buildDecomposition, existential closure (-aj), and division of labor / causative alternation proved from the Voice–root split.

Bridge theorems (§§10–16) #

Connect the fragment's theory-neutral types (CRootClass, ChujVoiceSuffix, isGrammatical, etc.) to Minimalist VoiceHead properties and to the @cite{beavers-etal-2021} root typology.

Chuj fragment bridge (§§10–15) #

  1. Root class ↔ Root arity: CRootClass maps to Root values. √TV = selectsTheme, others = noTheme.
  2. Voice suffix ↔ VoiceHead: theta assignment, D feature, phase head.
  3. Paradigm predictions: isGrammatical matches data attestation.
  4. -aj predictions: hasImplicitExternal / triggersAj match -aj distribution.
  5. Agent diagnostics: assignsTheta matches agent adverb / by-phrase.
  6. Division of labor: formsBareTransitive aligns with arity.

Root typology bridge (§§17–23) #

Connects Theories/Morphology/RootTypology.lean (@cite{beavers-etal-2021}) to empirical data in Phenomena/Causation/Studies/BeaversEtAl2021.lean.

  1. Classification isomorphism: The theory's RootType and the phenomena's CoSRootClass are provably isomorphic — they describe the same partition.

  2. Diagnostic alignment: The phenomena's semantic diagnostics (changeDenialTest, restitutiveAgainTest) agree exactly with the theory's Boolean correlates (entailsChange, allowsRestitutiveAgain).

  3. Prediction ↔ attestation: The theory predicts PC roots HAVE simple statives and result roots LACK them; the empirical data confirms this (PC: 7/8 sample roots ≥ 50%; result: all 10 sample roots ≤ 10%).

  4. Markedness prediction: The theory predicts PC verbs are marked and result verbs are unmarked; the statistical comparison confirms PC median (56.01%) exceeds result median (15.20%).

  5. Fragment grounding: The Chuj fragment's Root values instantiate the theory's predictions — e.g., rootTV_res.entailsChange = true matches the theory's RootType.entailsChange.result = true.

A glossed Chuj example sentence.

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      (10a) Active transitive: √TV + Ø (§2.2, p. 41).

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        (7a) √ITV + null v (§2.1, p. 40).

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          (23a) √POS + -w (§3, p. 48).

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            (16b) √NOM + -w (§2.5, p. 45).

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              (62) √TV + -chaj (passive, §4.1.1, p. 68).

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                (59) √TV + -j (agentless passive, §4.1.2, p. 67).

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                  (63a) Agent adverb with -chaj: grammatical (§4.1.1, p. 68).

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                    (67a) Agent adverb with -j: ungrammatical (§4.1.2, p. 70).

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                      (54a) √TV + -w incorporation antipassive (§4, p. 64).

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                        (55b) √TV + -w absolutive antipassive (§4, p. 65).

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                          Active transitive v/Voice⁰ (Ø): introduces overt agent in Spec,VoiceP, assigns ergative case, phase head (v*).

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                            Agentive intransitive v/Voice⁰ (-w): introduces overt agent in Spec,VoiceP but assigns absolutive (not ergative) case (p. 54). Merges directly with root — cannot attach to derived stems (p. 54, (34b)). Used with √NOM and √POS to verbalize roots, and with √TV in incorporation antipassives (where the theme is a bare NP). Also models the null intransitive v/Voice⁰ for √ITV roots (p. 40): both introduce an agent and assign absolutive, differing only in overt (-w) vs null morphological realization.

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                              Passive v/Voice⁰ (-ch): assigns θ-role to an implicit (existentially bound) external argument (p. 68–69). Agent-oriented adverbs and by-phrases are licensed, confirming semantic presence of agent. Only combines with √TV roots.

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                                Agentless passive v/Voice⁰ (-j): verbalizes stem but introduces no external argument — neither overt nor implicit (p. 70: "does not assign a thematic role and does not merge an external argument"). No agent-oriented adverbs, no agentive by-phrases. Used with √TV (agentless passive) and non-transitive roots (inchoative/stative readings).

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                                  Lower event structure for activity roots (√TV PC, √ITV, √NOM): no sub-eventive decomposition below Voice.

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                                    -j does NOT assign a θ-role: agentless (p. 70).

                                    √TV result + Ø → causative [vDO, vGO, vBE] (active transitive).

                                    √TV result + -ch → causative [vDO, vGO, vBE] (passive with implicit agent). Event structure is still causative — the agent is semantically present.

                                    √TV result + -j → inchoative [vGO, vBE] (agentless passive / anticausative). No agent at all — the event is a pure change-of-state (p. 70).

                                    √ITV + v/Voice⁰ → activity [vDO] (intransitive). Uses v_w, which shares formal properties with the null intransitive v/Voice⁰ for √ITV (both are agentive, non-ERG-assigning; p. 40).

                                    √POS + -w → [vDO, vBE]: agent assumes a position (agentive stative). (p. 48, (23)): chot-w-i "The frog hopped."

                                    √NOM + -w → activity [vDO] (denominal agentive intransitive). (p. 45, (16b)): chanhal-w-i "I danced."

                                    Does this Voice head have an implicit (existentially bound) external argument? True when Voice assigns θ but has no overt specifier.

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                                      -aj (Existential Closure) surfaces when there is any implicit argument: implicit external (from Voice, as in -ch) or implicit internal (from theme suppression in absolutive antipassive -w-aj).

                                      implicitInternal is true when a √TV root's theme is not filled by an overt DP (absolutive antipassive, not incorporation antipassive).

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                                        -ch always triggers -aj (implicit external agent; p. 69).

                                        Ø never has an implicit external (agent is overt ERG DP).

                                        -w never has an implicit external (agent is overt ABS DP; p. 54).

                                        -j has no implicit external (there is no agent at all, not even implicit; p. 70: "no thematic agent, implicit or otherwise").

                                        -ch-aj: passive of √TV with implicit agent (ex. (58), p. 66).

                                        -w-aj: absolutive antipassive (√TV theme is implicit; ex. (58), p. 66).

                                        -w incorporation antipassive: theme is overt bare NP → no -aj (ex. (58), p. 66; cf. (26b), p. 50).

                                        -w serves the same structural function across three root classes: it merges directly with the root, verbalizes it, and introduces an agent without assigning ERG (p. 54–56). The only difference is the root's lower event structure.

                                        Division of labor (@cite{coon-2019}, ex. (2)/(77), p. 75): the root determines whether a theme is present; Voice determines whether an agent is present. Same root with different Voice → different event type; same Voice with different root → same external argument status.

                                        Map the phenomena's root class to the fragment's Root. This connects theory-neutral distributional classes to the theoretically analyzed Root structure. √TV maps to rootTV_res as a representative — the choice between rootTV_res and rootTV_pc is arbitrary for arity (both are selectsTheme); only changeType differs.

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                                          The data's formsBareTransitive matches the fragment's hasInternalArg. Only roots that select a theme can form bare transitive stems.

                                          Theta assignment matches: the data's hasAgent agrees with the fragment's assignsTheta for all four voice suffixes.

                                          The data's agent adverb diagnostic matches the fragment's theta assignment. Agent-oriented adverbs require a theta-role-bearing Voice head.

                                          The data's -aj on passives matches the fragment's hasImplicitExternal. -aj appears when there is an implicit (but not absent) external argument.

                                          The fragment predicts correct event decompositions for each root×voice combination attested in the data.

                                          √TV result + Ø → causative (active transitive) √TV result + -j → inchoative (agentless passive / anticausative) √TV result + -ch → causative (passive with implicit agent) √ITV + -w → activity (intransitive)

                                          √TV and √ITV share semantic type (event predicate) but differ in arity. This is the formal content of the observation that both compose with an entity argument per @cite{davis-1997}, but only √TV projects a syntactic complement.

                                          The mapping is a bijection (left inverse).

                                          The phenomena's changeDenialTest agrees with the theory's entailsChange.

                                          Theory: RootType.entailsChange.result = true (result roots entail change) Phenomena: changeDenialTest.result =.negative ("#The shattered vase has never shattered" is contradictory — the state entails prior change)

                                          The relationship is: entailsChange = true ↔ changeDenial = negative. That is, entailing change means the change-denial test FAILS.

                                          Theory predicts: PC roots have simple statives. Data confirms: 7 of 8 PC sample roots have ≥ 50% attestation. The one exception (oldRoot, age class) has 0 — noted by Beavers et al. as a crosslinguistic outlier.

                                          Theory predicts: result roots LACK simple statives. Data confirms: all 10 result sample roots have ≤ 10% attestation.

                                          The theory's markedness complementarity predicts that if a language marks PC verbs, it should NOT also show result verbs as more marked than PC verbs. The fourth logically possible language type (result marked, PC unmarked) is unattested — exactly 3 types are attested. This matches the theory: markedness_complementarity says verbal and stative markedness are always opposite.

                                          Every PC root in the empirical sample is classified as PC, and the theory predicts PC roots should have simple statives — they do.

                                          Every result root in the empirical sample is classified as result, and the theory predicts result roots lack simple statives — they do.