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Linglib.Phenomena.Causation.Studies.BellerGerstenberg2025

@cite{beller-gerstenberg-2025}: Causation, Meaning, and Communication #

@cite{beller-gerstenberg-2025}

Formalizes Beller & Gerstenberg (2025) "Causation, Meaning, and Communication," Psychological Review 133(2), 339–381.

A counterfactual simulation model of causal language combining:

  1. Causal knowledge module: computes whether-causation (W), how-causation (H), and sufficient-causation (S) from counterfactual simulations
  2. Semantics module: defines four causal expressions as logical combinations of W, H, S (Eqs. 4–7)
  3. Pragmatics module: RSA inference selects the most informative true expression

Semantics (Eqs. 4–7) #

The expressions form a hierarchy of specificity: caused ⊂ enabled ⊂ affected. This hierarchy drives scalar implicatures via RSA pragmatic reasoning.

Simplification #

This formalization uses Boolean W, H, S (matching Table 1's illustrative scenarios where aspect values are 0 or 1). The full paper computes W and S as graded probabilities from noisy counterfactual simulations (Eqs. 1, 3).

The core Boolean semantics omit M (movement) and U (uniqueness), which only affect "caused" via soft conjunction. These features are process constraints that reduce the probability of "caused" when the candidate cause was stationary (M=false) or not the unique contactor (U=false). For the illustrative Table 1 scenarios, M=true and U=true throughout.

Experiments #

The four causal expressions studied in the paper (Figure 2, p. 343).

Participants chose among these to describe billiard-ball interactions:

  1. "Ball A caused Ball B to go through the gate."
  2. "Ball A enabled Ball B to go through the gate."
  3. "Ball A affected Ball B's going through the gate."
  4. "Ball A made no difference to Ball B's going through the gate."
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      Core causal aspects from the counterfactual simulation model (CSM).

      • W (whether-causation): P(e' ≠ e | s, remove(A)). Was the cause counterfactually necessary? (Eq. 1)
      • H (how-causation): P(Δe' ≠ Δe | s, change(A)). Did the cause affect the fine-grained outcome? Binary. (Eq. 2)
      • S (sufficient-causation): P(W(A → e) | s, remove(¬A)). Would the cause have been a whether-cause if alternatives were removed? (Eq. 3)
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            Boolean semantics of causal expressions (Eqs. 4–7, pp. 346–347).

            This is the core of the semantics, omitting the soft constraints (σ for M/U in "caused", ν for H in "made no difference").

            • affected: W ∨ H ∨ S — any causal involvement (Eq. 4)
            • enabled: W ∨ S — necessity or sufficiency, not just how (Eq. 5)
            • caused: H ∧ (W ∨ S) — how-cause plus counterfactual (core of Eq. 6)
            • madeNoDifference: ¬W ∧ ¬H ∧ ¬S — no causal involvement (hard version of Eq. 7)
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              "caused" implies "enabled": H ∧ (W ∨ S) → W ∨ S.

              "Caused" is the most specific expression (p. 349).

              Graded semantics with soft negation parameter ν (Eq. 7, p. 347).

              The full paper uses ν to soften the negation of H in "made no difference": when H=true but W=false and S=false (Ball A is a how-cause only), "made no difference" gets semantic value ν instead of 0.

              For "caused," the full model also softens M (movement) and U (uniqueness) via parameter σ (Eq. 6). Since the illustrative Table 1 scenarios all have M=true and U=true, we omit these here — the core H ∧ (W ∨ S) suffices.

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                Scenario 1: Classic Michottean launch. Ball A collides with stationary Ball B, launching it through the gate. W=1, H=1, S=1.

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                  Scenario 2: Ball A knocks a box out of Ball B's path. Ball B was already heading toward the gate. W=1, H=0, S=1 (double prevention).

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                    Scenario 3: Ball B is heading toward the gate on its own. Ball A comes up from behind and pushes it along. W=0, H=1, S=0 (how-cause only).

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                      Scenario 4: Ball A does not interact with Ball B at all. No causal involvement. W=0, H=0, S=0.

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                        Illustrative ν parameter for Table 1 (p. 348: "set to 0.2").

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                          In an H-only world (Scenario 3), "made no difference" has non-zero semantic value ν=1/5 due to soft negation (Eq. 7). This is the key distinction from the hard Boolean semantics.

                          @cite{beller-gerstenberg-2025} causal expression model as RSAConfig.

                          Meaning: Boolean expression semantics (1 if true, 0 if false). World prior: uniform over the 8 possible W-H-S worlds. S1 score: belief-based (rpow): score = L0(w|u)^α. α = 1 for the illustrative Table 1 computation.

                          The fitted model (Experiment 2) uses λ=40.18, but α=1 suffices for the qualitative predictions and matches Table 1d.

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                            S1 speaker predictions from the full 8-world Boolean model #

                            These theorems verify that the RSAConfig reproduces the qualitative predictions from Table 1d using rsa_predict. The predictions arise from the full space of 2³ = 8 causal worlds with uniform prior and Boolean semantics.

                            In each scenario, the pragmatic speaker selects the most informative true expression, producing the same preference orderings as Table 1d.

                            Scenario 1 (full causation): S1 prefers "caused" over "enabled."

                            In (W=1, H=1, S=1), all positive expressions are literally true. "caused" applies to only 3/8 worlds while "enabled" applies to 6/8, so L0("caused") is more informative → S1 selects "caused."

                            Scenario 2 (double prevention): S1 prefers "enabled" over "affected."

                            In (W=1, H=0, S=1), "caused" is literally false (H=0), so the speaker chooses between "enabled" and "affected." "enabled" is more informative (6/8 vs 7/8 worlds), so S1 selects it.

                            Scenario 3 (H-only): S1 prefers "affected" over "caused."

                            In (W=0, H=1, S=0), "affected" is the only true positive expression. "caused" requires H ∧ (W ∨ S), which fails when W=S=0.

                            Scenario 3: "affected" also beats "madeNoDifference."

                            In the Boolean model (unlike the graded model with ν), "madeNoDifference" is strictly false in an H-only world: ¬W ∧ ¬H ∧ ¬S fails because H=1.

                            Scenario 4 (no causation): S1 prefers "madeNoDifference" over "affected."

                            In (W=0, H=0, S=0), only "madeNoDifference" is literally true.

                            L1 listener predictions: scalar implicature effects #

                            The pragmatic listener (L1) inverts S1 via Bayes' rule. Hearing a weaker expression triggers a scalar implicature: the listener infers the speaker chose not to use a stronger expression, shifting probability away from worlds where the stronger expression would have been true.

                            L1 hearing "caused": higher probability for full-causation world than no-causation world.

                            L1("caused") assigns positive mass only to worlds where "caused" is literally true (H ∧ (W ∨ S)). The no-causation world (F,F,F) gets zero.

                            L1 scalar implicature for "enabled": hearing "enabled" makes the listener prefer worlds where "caused" is false over worlds where it's true.

                            Both (T,F,F) and (T,T,T) make "enabled" literally true (W ∨ S). But at (T,T,T), S1 would have said "caused" instead (more informative), so L1 down-weights (T,T,T) upon hearing "enabled." This is the classic scalar implicature: "enabled" ⇝ ¬caused.

                            L1 hearing "madeNoDifference": identifies the no-causation world.

                            "madeNoDifference" is true only at (F,F,F), so L1 assigns it probability 1.

                            Fitted model parameters from Experiment 2 (p. 358, MLE).

                            θ=1.0 (counterfactual noise), σ=0.65 (softening for M/U in "caused"), ν=0.25 (softening for H in "made no difference"), λ=40.18 (RSA speaker optimality).

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                                Experiment 2 cross-validation (Table 8, p. 362).

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                                      Experiment 3 cross-validation (Table 9, p. 366).

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                                        Bridge to Core.StructuralEquationModel #

                                        Beller & Gerstenberg's W, H, S dimensions can be COMPUTED from structural causal models, grounding the primitive Boolean features in the counterfactual reasoning machinery of Core.StructuralEquationModel.

                                        B&G aspectStructural definition
                                        W (whether)causallyNecessary — would effect still occur without cause?
                                        H (how)hasDirectLaw — does a causal law directly connect cause to effect?
                                        S (sufficient)causallySufficient — does adding cause guarantee effect?

                                        The mapping of H to hasDirectLaw is an approximation. B&G's how-causation (Eq. 2) tests whether the fine-grained outcome would differ under a small perturbation of the cause, which is a richer notion than structural directness. For simple causal models, the two coincide.

                                        Compute a CausalWorld from a structural causal model.

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                                          Overdetermination → W=false, H=true, S=true. The cause is sufficient (S) and directly connected (H), but NOT necessary (W=false) because the alternative cause in the background would produce the effect anyway.

                                          Causal chain → W=false, H=false, S=true. Under @cite{nadathur-2024} Def 10b, the initial cause is sufficient (S) but NOT necessary (W=false): the intermediate can be set directly, bypassing the root cause. This is correct for Def 10b's domain (prerequisite semantics), though it diverges from simpler but-for tests for chain causation.

                                          The causal expression Horn scale: ⟨affected, enabled, caused⟩.

                                          Ordered from weakest (true in most scenarios) to strongest (true in fewest). "madeNoDifference" is excluded: it is the Boolean complement of "affected" (proved in madeNoDifference_iff_not_affected), not a weaker scalar alternative.

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                                            Scale ordering is grounded in semantic entailment: stronger expressions entail weaker ones at every world. This is the defining property of a Horn scale — the scale structure isn't stipulated, it's derived from the entailment relations proved in Section 4.

                                            Structural Model → Causation Type → Expression → S1 #

                                            Each theorem below chains across three levels of analysis:

                                            1. Structural: A CausalDynamics (structural equation model) yields a CausalProfile via extractProfile
                                            2. Causation type: The profile determines production vs dependence causation via profileCausationType (from ProductionDependence.lean)
                                            3. Semantic + Pragmatic: The derived CausalWorld determines which expressions are literally true, and the S1 pragmatic speaker selects the most informative one

                                            These are the deepest integration points: a change to normalDevelopment, extractProfile, expressionMeaning, or the L0/S1 computation would break these theorems.

                                            Causal chain → S1 prefers "enabled".

                                            From a causal chain (a → intermediate → c), direct interaction is absent (H=false): the cause operates through an intermediate. "caused" is literally FALSE, so the S1 speaker selects "enabled" instead. Under @cite{nadathur-2024} Def 10b, the chain root is also NOT necessary (W=false) because the intermediate can be set directly. The causation type becomes none (neither production nor dependence).

                                            Overdetermination: B&G's "caused" diverges from N&L's causeSem.

                                            With disjunctive causation (a ∨ b → c, both present), the cause is direct and sufficient but NOT necessary. B&G's "caused" applies (H ∧ S = true) while @cite{nadathur-lauer-2020}'s causeSem returns false (necessity fails). This is a genuine theoretical divergence: B&G model expression choice (how speakers describe events), N&L model verb argument structure (make vs cause).

                                            Overall Acceptance Rates (Figure 2) #

                                            Proportion of "Yes" (Accurate) responses by verb. Ordering: caused > made > forced.

                                            Rates stored as percentages (Nat) to avoid heavy Mathlib imports.

                                            An experimental observation: verb form paired with acceptance rate (%).

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                                                  Main Effect Coefficients (Table 8) #

                                                  Bayesian logistic regression with verb × SUFresidALT × INT × ALT.

                                                  Coefficients stored as (numerator, denominator=100) to avoid ℚ imports.

                                                  A regression coefficient with its 95% credible interval. Values are × 100 (e.g., 119 means 1.19).

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                                                        A coefficient is reliable when its 95% CI excludes 0.

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                                                                ALT has a negative main effect (more alternatives → less acceptable).

                                                                Per-Verb Interaction Reliability (Table 9) #

                                                                Estimates of interaction intercepts by verb.

                                                                Per-verb reliable interaction from Table 9.

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                                                                    made uniquely has a reliable SUFresidALT×INT interaction (Table 9).

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                                                                      All verbs share reliable SUFresidALT×ALT interaction.

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                                                                        All verbs share reliable INT×ALT interaction.

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                                                                          Acceptability Contrasts #

                                                                          Non-interchangeability of causative verbs across contexts.

                                                                          Acceptability judgment for a causative verb in context.

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                                                                              A single acceptability judgment: verb + context + status.

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                                                                                  Low sufficiency, low intention context: only cause is acceptable.

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                                                                                        High sufficiency, high intention, low alternatives: all verbs acceptable.

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