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Linglib.Theories.Syntax.Minimalism.Formal.Constraints.HMC

X immediately c-commands Y within tree root iff X c-commands Y (in root) and there is no Z such that X c-commands Z and Z c-commands Y (in root).

This is the "closest" c-command relation.

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    The Head Movement Constraint (HMC)

    A head X can only move to the head Y that immediately c-commands X.

    Formally: If X moves to Y, then Y immediately c-commands X's base position, with no intervening heads.

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      A movement violates HMC iff it doesn't respect it

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        Head-to-specifier movement always violates HMC.

        From Harizanov (p.12, p.29): In head-to-specifier movement, the head X becomes a maximal projection in its derived position.

        This violates HMC because:

        • HMC requires isHeadIn mover root
        • isHeadIn requires ¬isMaximalIn mover root
        • But head-to-spec movement is defined by isMaximalIn mover result
        • Therefore the mover is not a head in the result
        • Therefore HMC fails

        Any head-to-spec movement violates HMC, by the very definition of what head-to-spec movement is.

        Position-aware HMC: a head must be non-maximal AT ITS POSITION

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          Position-aware HMC violation

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            Head-to-specifier movement (positional) violates HMC

            This version works correctly with multidominance:

            • The mover is maximal AT ITS DERIVED POSITION
            • This means it is not a head at that position
            • Therefore HMC fails for the derived position

            Unlike the global version, we don't need to claim global maximality.

            Amalgamation: a post-syntactic (PF) operation

            Unlike syntactic head movement, Amalgamation:

            1. Happens at PF, not in narrow syntax
            2. Respects the HMC (is strictly local)
            3. Results in phonological fusion without syntactic effects

            From Harizanov (Section 3.3): Amalgamation "trades" the syntactic relation between a head X and the head Y of its complement for a PF relation of affixation. Since affixation requires adjacency, Amalgamation is strictly local and cannot skip intervening heads.

            Example: French V-to-T "Jean ne parlait pas français" - V amalgamates with T at PF

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              Amalgamation cannot skip intervening elements.

              This formalizes Harizanov's claim (Section 3.3, p.15): "Amalgamation-based displacement obeys the Head Movement Constraint"

              The proof is immediate from the definition: Amalgamation requires immediatelyCCommands host target root, which by definition means there is NO z such that host c-commands z and z c-commands target.

              This is what distinguishes Amalgamation from syntactic head movement, which can skip intervening heads (as shown by Bulgarian LHM and V2).

              theorem Minimalism.intervener_rules_out_amalgamation (host target intervener root : SyntacticObject) (h_neq_host : intervener host) (h_neq_target : intervener target) (h_host_cmd : cCommandsIn root host intervener) (h_int_cmd : cCommandsIn root intervener target) :
              ¬ (a : Amalgamation), a.host = host a.target = target

              If there's an intervening element, the displacement cannot be Amalgamation

              This provides a diagnostic: if we observe a head displacement that skips an intervening head, we know it must be syntactic movement, not Amalgamation.

              From Harizanov (Section 3.3): The properties of Amalgamation-based displacement "differ substantially from those of Internal Merge."

              Amalgamation respects locality (the host c-commands the target within root)

              Diagnostic: does this movement involve syntactic head movement?

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                Diagnostic: is this compatible with Amalgamation?

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