Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Tense.PTS

Perfect Time Span / Until Time Span — Unified Framework #

@cite{iatridou-anagnostopoulou-izvorski-2001} @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} @cite{von-fintel-iatridou-2019}

Boundary adverbials (in years, since, until, in (the last) 5 years) set a boundary of a time span. @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} unify two classes:

Both classes can be boundary domain wideners — they introduce subdomain alternatives to their time span, triggering exhaustification. When they are, they produce two noncancelable inferences:

  1. Actuality Inference (AI): the relevant event took place
  2. Beyond Expectation Inference (BEI): the time span is larger than expected

This module consolidates the PTS/UTS framework that was previously scattered across Aspect/Core.lean (RB, LB, PERF), TemporalAdverbials.lean (PTSConstraint), PerfectPolysemy.lean (PerfectReading), and MaximalInformativity.lean (pts, MeasureFun). It re-exports the core operators and adds the unified boundary-adverbial abstraction.

Architecture #

Aspect/Core.lean     RB, LB, PERF, PERF_XN, IMPF, PRFV
        ↑
TemporalAdverbials   PTSConstraint, AdverbialType, PERF_ADV
        ↑
PerfectPolysemy      PerfectReading, existential/universalReading
        ↑
   THIS FILE          BoundaryKind, TimeSpanKind, BoundaryAdverbial
                      SubdomainAlternatives, DomainWideningResult

Which boundary of a time span an adverbial sets.

  • left: LB adverbials (in years, since, in (the last) 5 years)
  • right: RB adverbials (until)
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      Which time span the adverbial operates on.

      • pts: the Perfect Time Span (LB set by adverbial or context, RB by Tense)
      • uts: the Until Time Span (LB contextually set, RB by until's argument)
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          The boundary set by Tense (not by the adverbial). PTS: Tense sets the RB. UTS: context/Tense sets the LB. Mirror-image relationship (@cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §8).

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            NPI strength classification. Strong NPIs require antiadditive environments; weak NPIs require only DE environments. @cite{zwarts-1998} @cite{gajewski-2011}

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                A boundary adverbial: a temporal expression that sets one boundary of a time span (PTS or UTS).

                @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §3, §5: in years and until are both boundary adverbials that share the property of being domain wideners (introducing subdomain alternatives).

                • form : String

                  Surface form

                • timeSpan : TimeSpanKind

                  Which time span this adverbial operates on

                • boundary : BoundaryKind

                  Which boundary it sets

                • introducesDomainAlts : Bool

                  Does this adverbial introduce subdomain alternatives?

                • npiStrength : NPIStrength

                  Is this adverbial a (strong) NPI?

                • alwaysContrastive : Bool

                  Is the adverbial always contrastively focused? @cite{chierchia-2013}: domain widening requires contrastive focus under negation. In years is always contrastively focused; until is contrastively focused only when under negation.

                • Compatible perfect types (for PTS adverbials). In years is compatible only with E-perfect; in (the last) 5 years is compatible with both E-perfect and U-perfect.

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                    In years (in days, in months, etc.): strong NPI LB adverbial. Sets the LB of the PTS by stretching backward from the RB. Introduces subdomain alternatives. Always contrastively focused. Compatible only with E-perfect (not U-perfect). @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §3–4

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                      In (the last) 5 years: non-NPI LB adverbial. Sets the LB of the PTS by specifying a duration from the RB. Does NOT introduce domain alternatives (not a domain widener). Compatible with both E-perfect and U-perfect.

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                        Since 2015: non-NPI LB adverbial. Sets the LB of the PTS by naming it. Does NOT introduce domain alternatives.

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                          Until (5pm / I left): unified RB adverbial. Sets the RB of the UTS. Always introduces subdomain alternatives (the domain-widening effect surfaces only under contrastive focus). @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §7: one until, not two.

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                            The subdomain alternatives of a time span τ are all subintervals of τ. @cite{chierchia-2013} Ch. 1; @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §4:

                            When in years is present, the assertion (49a) is: ∃e.[meet(e, Joe, Mary) ∧ Run(e) ⊆ τ] and its domain alternatives (49b) are: {∃e.[meet(e, Joe, Mary) ∧ Run(e) ⊆ τ'] | τ' ⊆ τ}

                            These subdomain alternatives are logically stronger than the assertion (entailed by it), because if a culminated event took place in a subinterval of τ, it also took place in τ.

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                              Subdomain alternatives of τ include τ itself.

                              theorem Semantics.Tense.PTS.subdomain_monotone {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (τ₁ τ₂ : Core.Time.Interval Time) (h : τ₁.subinterval τ₂) :

                              Subdomain alternatives of a subinterval are a subset of subdomain alternatives of the superinterval.

                              def Semantics.Tense.PTS.eventInSpan {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ : Core.Time.Interval Time) :

                              An event of type P has its runtime inside time span τ. This is the assertion form for both PTS and UTS: ∃e.[P(e) ∧ Run(e) ⊆ τ]

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                                def Semantics.Tense.PTS.noEventInSpan {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ : Core.Time.Interval Time) :

                                Negated form: no P-event has runtime inside τ. ¬∃e.[P(e) ∧ Run(e) ⊆ τ]

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                                  theorem Semantics.Tense.PTS.eventInSpan_monotone {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ₁ τ₂ : Core.Time.Interval Time) (h : τ₁.subinterval τ₂) :
                                  eventInSpan P w τ₁eventInSpan P w τ₂

                                  If a culminated event occurs in a subinterval, it occurs in the superinterval. Entailment from subinterval to superinterval.

                                  theorem Semantics.Tense.PTS.subdomain_alts_nonweaker {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ τ' : Core.Time.Interval Time) (h : τ' SubdomainAlternatives τ) :
                                  eventInSpan P w τ'eventInSpan P w τ

                                  Subdomain alternatives for culminated events are all nonweaker: every subdomain alternative entails the assertion. This is because eventInSpan is monotone in the time span.

                                  theorem Semantics.Tense.PTS.positive_exhaustification_contradicts {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ : Core.Time.Interval Time) (_hassert : eventInSpan P w τ) (hexh : τ'SubdomainAlternatives τ, τ' τnoEventInSpan P w τ') (τ_sub : Core.Time.Interval Time) :
                                  τ_sub.subinterval ττ_sub τeventInSpan P w τ_subFalse

                                  Positive environment contradiction (@cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §4): In a positive (non-DE) context, exhaustification of subdomain alternatives requires negating all nonweaker alternatives. But ALL subdomain alternatives are entailed by the assertion (by subdomain_alts_nonweaker). Negating them contradicts the assertion → logical contradiction → ungrammaticality.

                                  This explains why in years is an NPI: "*Joe has met Mary in weeks" is ungrammatical because exhaustification of the domain alternatives in a positive context yields contradiction.

                                  theorem Semantics.Tense.PTS.negated_subdomain_weaker {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ τ' : Core.Time.Interval Time) (h : τ'.subinterval τ) :
                                  noEventInSpan P w τnoEventInSpan P w τ'

                                  Negative environment: exhaustification is vacuous. Under negation, subdomain alternatives ¬∃e.[P(e) ∧ Run(e) ⊆ τ'] are WEAKER than the assertion ¬∃e.[P(e) ∧ Run(e) ⊆ τ] (for τ' ⊆ τ). Since no subdomain alternative is stronger, there is nothing to exclude, and exhaustification applies vacuously. No contradiction arises.

                                  def Semantics.Tense.PTS.actualityInference {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ : Core.Time.Interval Time) :

                                  Actuality Inference (@cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §4): With in years, the LB of the PTS can only be set at the point where an event of the relevant sort took place (since in years stretches backward from the RB until it finds such an event). Therefore, the existence of the event is presupposed — it is the only thing that can define the LB.

                                  Formally: if the LB is set by a domain-widening boundary adverbial that stretches as far as possible, the LB must be at the most recent occurrence of the event. This makes the event's occurrence a presupposition, not just an implicature — hence noncancelable.

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                                    def Semantics.Tense.PTS.aiAtBoundary {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (w : W) (τ : Core.Time.Interval Time) :

                                    The AI with in years is at the LB: the event occurs at the LB point.

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                                      Beyond Expectation Inference (@cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §2): In years conveys that the PTS is larger than a contextually salient alternative. "He hasn't had a seizure in months" conveys the PTS is larger than a contextually salient number of months.

                                      This follows from domain widening: the time span is stretched beyond any contextual alternative, so the event occurred earlier than expected.

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                                        Perfective contributes ST ⊆ TT: the event is contained in the time span. @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §1 (eq. 17a), following @cite{klein-1994}. Equivalently, the E-perfect: the event is contained in the PTS.

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                                          Imperfective contributes TT ⊆ ST: the time span is contained in the event. @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §1 (eq. 17b). With the subinterval property, every subinterval of a P-event is also a P-event. This is the key to until-d (affirmative imperfective).

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                                            theorem Semantics.Tense.PTS.impf_subdomain_entailed {W : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (P : Aspect.Core.EventPred W Time) (hSub : Aspect.SubintervalProperty.HasSubintervalProp P) (w : W) (e : Aspect.Core.Eventuality Time) (τ : Core.Time.Interval Time) (hP : P w e) (hImpf : τ.subinterval e.τ) (τ' : Core.Time.Interval Time) (hτ' : τ'.subinterval τ) :
                                            eventInSpan P w τ'

                                            Under IMPF + subinterval property, all subdomain alternatives of the assertion are ENTAILED (not merely nonweaker). This means exhaustification is vacuous for affirmative imperfectives — explaining why until-d (affirmative imperfective + until) is fine without negation. @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §7.2

                                            Constant's Observation (@cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §1): The AI of in years is noncancelable, unlike the AI of in (the last) 5 years.

                                            (22a) "He hasn't had a seizure in years." ... #In fact, he has never had one. [noncancelable]

                                            vs.

                                            (11b) "She hasn't had one in the last 5 years." ... I don't know about earlier. [cancelable]

                                            This follows from domain widening: in years stretches the PTS maximally, so the LB can only be set by a prior event occurrence. In (the last) 5 years fixes the LB independently (by counting backward), so the event occurrence is merely implicated, not presupposed.

                                            A BoundaryAdverbial that is a domain widener is predicted to be a strong NPI (not weak). This is because domain widening operates on presupposed content (the PTS/UTS existence), and strong NPIs are those whose exhaustifier accesses non-truth-conditional content. @cite{iatridou-zeijlstra-2021} §11

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