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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Presupposition.OntologicalPreconditions

An event decomposed into temporal phases:

  1. Precondition: State that must hold BEFORE for the event to be possible
  2. The event occurrence itself
  3. Consequence: State that holds AFTER the event
  • precondition : WBool

    Precondition: must hold before the event for it to be possible

  • eventOccurs : WBool

    The event actually occurs

  • consequence : WBool

    Consequence: holds after the event (result state)

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    Well-formed event: precondition enables the event.

    This is the ontological constraint: you can't stop smoking unless you were smoking.

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      "Stop P" as an event phase

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        "Start P" as an event phase

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          "Continue P" as an event phase

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            A sentence that refers to an event type and makes a claim about it.

            The event type referenced is independent of the claim made. Both affirmative and negative sentences can refer to the same event type.

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              The "aboutness" of a sentence: what event type it refers to.

              This is independent of polarity: both "John stopped" and "John didn't stop" are about the same event type (the stopping).

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                The assertion made by a sentence depends on polarity.

                • Affirmed: The event occurred (consequence holds)
                • Negated: The event didn't occur (consequence doesn't hold)
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                  The presupposition comes from aboutness, not from the assertion.

                  Presuppositions are tied to event reference, not to the claim being made.

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                    Construct an affirmative sentence about an event type.

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                      Construct a negative sentence about an event type.

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                        Affirmative and negative sentences have the same aboutness.

                        Both "John stopped smoking" and "John didn't stop smoking" are about the same event type, the stopping event. This is the structural basis for presupposition projection.

                        Presuppositions project because they come from shared aboutness.

                        Since presuppositions are derived from aboutness, and aboutness is shared across polarities, presuppositions must be shared too.

                        Assertions differ by polarity.

                        While presuppositions are shared, assertions differ: the negative asserts the opposite of the affirmative.

                        Presupposition is independent of assertion content.

                        The presupposition depends only on the event type, not on what is asserted. This is what makes presuppositions "backgrounded": they're part of what we're talking about, not what we're saying about it.

                        Under the assertion-only view, we just have truth conditions.

                        • truthConditions : WBool
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                          Under assertion-only, "stop P" just means: was P and now ¬P.

                          Without temporal indices, this collapses to P w ∧ ¬P w at a single world — always false. This demonstrates that purely extensional (single-index) semantics cannot represent CoS verbs: the pre-state and post-state refer to different temporal indices, and flattening them into one evaluation point produces a contradiction.

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                            Under assertion-only, "not stop P" just means: ¬(was P and now ¬P).

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                              Under assertion-only, the negation does not entail the precondition.

                              The negated assertion !(P w && !P w) = !P w ∨ P w is true when P w is false. So we cannot infer P from the negated sentence.

                              This demonstrates the inadequacy of the assertion-only view: it cannot explain why "John didn't stop smoking" presupposes he was smoking.

                              Under the aboutness view, both sentences refer to the stopping event. The stopping event has precondition P (was smoking). Therefore, both sentences presuppose P.

                              The shared presupposition IS the precondition of the event type.

                              For "stop P", both affirmative and negative presuppose P.

                              This is the core empirical prediction that the aboutness view explains and the assertion-only view cannot.

                              Consequential event: the event entails its consequence when it occurs.

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                                Consequences do not project through negation.

                                Under "not E", the event didn't occur, so we can't infer the consequence. This explains why "John didn't stop smoking" doesn't entail he's not smoking.

                                The asymmetry:

                                • Preconditions: tied to event reference, so they project
                                • Consequences: tied to event occurrence, so they don't project under negation

                                Structural explanation: why preconditions project and consequences don't.

                                1. Presupposition = aboutness.precondition (comes from event reference)
                                2. Assertion = depends on polarity (comes from claim about occurrence)
                                3. Consequence = entailed by occurrence (part of assertion, not aboutness)

                                Under negation:

                                • Event reference is preserved → presupposition preserved
                                • Occurrence is denied → consequence not entailed

                                Assertions differ at any world where the consequence is definite (true or false).

                                If the consequence is true at w, affirmative says true and negative says false. If the consequence is false at w, affirmative says false and negative says true.

                                Presuppositions are constant across polarity; assertions vary with polarity.

                                Presuppositions are tied to event reference (which is constant), not to the claim (which varies).

                                The precondition/consequence asymmetry under negation.

                                Under negation, precondition content survives (via presupposition) but consequence content is denied (via assertion). This is the structural basis for why preconditions are the default accommodation target (@cite{roberts-simons-2024} p. 721): accommodating preconditions is consistent with both affirming and denying the event, while accommodating consequences is only consistent with affirmation.

                                The converse: under affirmation, precondition survives AND consequence is asserted. Preconditions are consistent with BOTH polarities; consequences are consistent with only one.

                                An event is telic if its consequence differs from its precondition.

                                This is the existential property: there exists some world where precondition ≠ consequence, indicating a state change.

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                                  An event is atelic if precondition and consequence are the same.

                                  This is the universal property: in all worlds, the state persists.

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                                    "Stop P" is telic: state changes from P to ¬P

                                    "Continue P" is atelic: no state change

                                    "Start P" is telic: state changes from ¬P to P

                                    Classification of entailment relations between a sentence and its implied content (@cite{roberts-simons-2024} §2.1).

                                    • precondition : EntailmentRelation

                                      Temporally prior, enables the event. Projects by pragmatic default.

                                    • consequence : EntailmentRelation

                                      Temporally posterior, results from the event. At-issue.

                                    • concomitant : EntailmentRelation

                                      Mereological part or co-occurring state. At-issue. Example: "Jane shouted" entails "Jane made sound" — the sound-making is part of the shouting, not a precondition for it.

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                                        "Know C" as an event phase: stative, atelic. Precondition: C is true. The knowing state cannot exist without its object. The state persists without change, so consequence = precondition = C.

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                                          "Discover C" as an event phase: telic, achievement. Two preconditions: C is true AND the agent was previously ignorant. The discovery transitions from ignorance to knowledge. Consequence: C is (still) true and the agent is no longer ignorant.

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                                            "Regret p" as an event phase: emotive factive. Precondition: agent believes p (the emotion ontologically depends on the belief, not on truth directly).

                                            @cite{roberts-simons-2024} (p. 731): regret's factivity arises from a pragmatic default to veridicality — in the absence of an explicit claim that the agent is mistaken, emotive attitudes are taken to be veridical. The ontological precondition is belief, not truth.

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                                              Know is atelic: no state change (precondition = consequence).

                                              theorem Semantics.Presupposition.OntologicalPreconditions.discover_is_telic {W : Type u_1} (IGNORANT C : WBool) (w : W) (hC : C w = true) (hIgn : IGNORANT w = true) :

                                              Discover is telic: state change from ignorant to knowing.

                                              Both know and discover have C as (part of) their precondition. This is the shared factivity: complement truth is ontologically required.

                                              Discover's precondition additionally requires prior ignorance. This extra precondition (ignorance of C) explains why discover has weaker projection than know in conditional antecedents: in "If I discover p", the speaker's ignorance of p is salient, suppressing projection of C (@cite{roberts-simons-2024} §3.2.2).

                                              Continue has a precondition (prior activity) but involves NO state change. @cite{roberts-simons-2024} (p. 734): "continue V-ing is atelic, without a pre-state" in the CoS sense. The CoSType.continuation classification is a convenience; the key structural fact is isAtelic.

                                              A selectional restriction as an event phase. The requirement is an ontological precondition of the event.

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                                                theorem Semantics.Presupposition.OntologicalPreconditions.selectional_wellFormed {W : Type u_1} (requirement event : WBool) (h : ∀ (w : W), event w = truerequirement w = true) :
                                                (selectionalEventPhase requirement event).wellFormed

                                                Selectional restrictions are well-formed: the event entails the requirement.

                                                Selectional restrictions project through negation (same aboutness mechanism).

                                                Conditions under which projection of a precondition is suppressed. When any of these obtains, the hearer does not accommodate the precondition into the global context.

                                                • preconditionKnownFalse : SuppressionCondition

                                                  Interlocutors know or believe the precondition is false or controversial. Example: discussing politics with someone who denies the premise. (@cite{roberts-simons-2024} ex. 23)

                                                • speakerNonCommitment : SuppressionCondition

                                                  Evidence that the speaker does not believe the precondition. Example: "I doubt that. Mary would divorce him if she discovered he was drinking." — speaker explicitly doubts the drinking. (@cite{roberts-simons-2024} ex. 24)

                                                • preconditionAtIssue : SuppressionCondition

                                                  The precondition is at-issue (currently under discussion). Example: "Is there a decision on Jane's tenure case?" "She isn't aware that there's been a decision." — decision existence is QUD. (@cite{roberts-simons-2024} ex. 25)

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                                                    When suppression applies, precondition content is merely locally entailed, not globally accommodated. The content is still an entailment of the trigger — it simply isn't taken to be part of the speaker's presumptions.

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