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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Montague.PTQ

Types of Intensional Logic (Definition 1)

The set of types is the smallest set Y such that:

We use the canonical Semantics.Montague.Ty which has:

Intensions ⟨s, a⟩ are represented as .s ⇒ a.

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    Intension type: ⟨s, a⟩

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        Common derived types

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          Syntactic Categories

          Basic categories: t (sentences), e (entity-denoting), CN (common nouns), IV (intransitive verbs) Derived categories: A/B and A//B (slash categories)

          The double slash // is for "intensional" arguments (take intensions).

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                      Term phrases (T) denote generalized quantifiers.

                      "Every man" doesn't denote an entity; it denotes a function that takes a property (intension) and returns true iff every man has that property.

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                      Intensional Model

                      A PTQ model uses the canonical Semantics.Montague.Model which includes:

                      • Entity : domain of entities
                      • World : possible worlds (indices)
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                        Denotation of a type in a model (uses canonical interpTy)

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                          Intension: function from worlds to extensions

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                            Lexical Entry Structure

                            Each word has:

                            • Surface form
                            • Syntactic category
                            • Translation (semantic representation)
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                              Syntactic Rule

                              A rule specifies:

                              • Input categories
                              • Output category
                              • How to combine the strings (F function)
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                                    Translation Rule

                                    Maps syntactic derivations to semantic representations. This is the homomorphism: h : Syntax → Semantics

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                                          Scope Reading

                                          Represents different scope orderings of quantifiers.

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                                              A toy model for demonstrating scope ambiguity.

                                              Two men (m1, m2), two women (w1, w2).

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                                                  Surface scope reading: ∀x[man(x) → ∃y[woman(y) ∧ love(x,y)]]

                                                  "For every man, there exists a woman that he loves."

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                                                    Inverse scope reading: ∃y[woman(y) ∧ ∀x[man(x) → love(x,y)]]

                                                    "There exists a woman such that every man loves her."

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                                                      Surface scope is true in surface scenario.

                                                      When each man loves a different woman, surface scope is satisfied.

                                                      Inverse scope is false in surface scenario.

                                                      No single woman is loved by all men.

                                                      Both scopes are true in inverse scenario.

                                                      When all men love the same woman, both readings are true.

                                                      Scope ambiguity theorem.

                                                      The two readings are not equivalent - they differ in the surface scenario. This is why "Every man loves a woman" is ambiguous.

                                                      Inverse scope entails surface scope.

                                                      ∃y∀x.R(x,y) → ∀x∃y.R(x,y)

                                                      If there's one woman everyone loves, then certainly each man loves some woman.

                                                      Derivation Tree

                                                      Represents a syntactic derivation with rule applications.

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