Binominal Noun Phrase Semantics #
Cross-linguistic semantic composition rules for binominal (N₁-of-N₂)
constructions, connecting the taxonomy in Core.Lexical.Binominal to
the semantic theories for gradable nouns and quantizing nouns.
Evaluative BNP Semantics (Stage 4) #
Evaluative BNPs (that idiot of a doctor) compose N₁ as a gradable predicate with N₂ as a restricting predicate (@cite{ten-wolde-2023}, @cite{morzycki-2009}). The denotation is conjunctive: x must satisfy both N₂ (be a doctor) and POS(N₁) (be d-idiotic for d ≥ θ).
Evaluative Modifier Semantics (Stage 5) #
EMs (a hell of a game) bleach N₁ to an evaluative modifier: N₁ no longer contributes its own lexical predicate but applies an evaluative measure function (@cite{nouwen-2024}) to a contextually- determined property of N₂.
Binominal Intensifier Semantics (Stage 6) #
BIs (a hell of a good time) bleach N₁ further to a degree word:
[N₁ of a] intensifies a following adjective, composing via
intensifiedMeaning from @cite{nouwen-2024}.
Quantizing ↔ Pseudo-partitive Bridge #
All quantizing noun classes (@cite{scontras-2014}) — container nouns, atomizers, and measure terms — instantiate pseudo-partitive binominals in @cite{ten-wolde-2023}'s taxonomy.
Evaluative BNP semantics: N₁ ascribes a gradable property to N₂.
"that idiot of a doctor" = the doctor x such that idiot(x) ≥ θ_idiot.
This is precisely GradableNoun.pos applied to N₂, where N₁ provides
the measure function and contextual standard.
This composition rule applies cross-linguistically: English of, French de, Italian di, Dutch van evaluative BNPs all have the same truth conditions.
Equations
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.ebnpSemantics n₁ n₂ x = (n₂ x && n₁.pos x)
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Evaluative BNPs are conjunctive: the referent must satisfy both N₂ (doctor) and N₁'s positive form (idiot above threshold).
Evaluative BNPs entail N₁'s positive form.
Map a QuantizingNounClass to the OfBinominalType it instantiates.
All quantizing nouns (@cite{scontras-2014}) are pseudo-partitive in @cite{ten-wolde-2023}'s taxonomy: N₁ quantizes, N₂ is the semantic head.
Equations
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.quantizingToOfBinominal Semantics.Probabilistic.Measurement.QuantizingNounClass.containerNoun = Core.Lexical.Binominal.OfBinominalType.pseudoPartitive
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.quantizingToOfBinominal Semantics.Probabilistic.Measurement.QuantizingNounClass.atomizer = Core.Lexical.Binominal.OfBinominalType.pseudoPartitive
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.quantizingToOfBinominal Semantics.Probabilistic.Measurement.QuantizingNounClass.measureTerm = Core.Lexical.Binominal.OfBinominalType.pseudoPartitive
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Every quantizing noun class maps to pseudo-partitive.
Pseudo-partitive is N₂-headed, consistent with the quantizing noun semantics where N₂ denotes the measured stuff.
"That idiot of a doctor" #
End-to-end chain: lexical entry → gradable noun theory → EBNP composition → concrete truth conditions.
Using the Person type and exampleIdiot from GradableNouns:
- George: idiocy degree 8 (above standard 3 → idiot)
- Sarah: idiocy degree 4 (above standard 3 → idiot)
- Floyd: idiocy degree 1 (below standard 3 → not an idiot)
A doctor predicate for the worked example.
Equations
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George is "that idiot of a doctor": he is a doctor (true) and his idiocy degree (8) exceeds the standard (3).
Sarah is also "an idiot of a doctor": doctor (true), idiocy 4 ≥ 3.
Floyd is not "an idiot of a doctor": he is not a doctor.
George would be an idiot even if he weren't a doctor — the gradable noun threshold is independent of the N₂ restriction. This confirms that ebnpSemantics is genuinely conjunctive.
Stage 5: Evaluative Modifier #
At stage 5 on @cite{ten-wolde-2023}'s grammaticalization cline, N₁ has bleached from a full gradable predicate (EBNP) to an evaluative modifier: a hell of a game ≈ an extremely good game. N₁ no longer contributes its own lexical predicate — instead, [N₁ of a] applies an evaluative measure function (@cite{nouwen-2024}) to a contextually-determined property of N₂.
EM semantics: N₁ as evaluative modifier of a contextual property of N₂.
"a hell of a game" = the game x such that the contextually-salient property of x (e.g., quality) exceeds the evaluative threshold set by N₁.
Unlike EBNP, N₁ does not contribute its own lexical predicate — it has
bleached to a pure evaluative function. The contextualDegree parameter
represents the pragmatically-determined property being evaluated.
Equations
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EM preserves the N₂ restriction.
Stage 6: Binominal Intensifier #
At stage 6, N₁ has fully grammaticalized to a degree word: a hell of a
good time ≈ a very good time. The [N₁ of a] unit modifies a following
adjective rather than N₂ directly. Semantics composes via
intensifiedMeaning from @cite{nouwen-2024}: the adjective's positive
form AND N₁'s evaluative threshold must both be exceeded.
BI semantics: N₁ as degree intensifier of a following adjective.
"a hell of a good time" = the time x such that good(x) is intensified: both the adjective threshold (good enough) and the evaluative threshold (hell-level) are exceeded.
This directly instantiates @cite{nouwen-2024}'s intensifiedMeaning:
the adjective's positive form AND the evaluative measure must both hold.
Equations
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.biSemantics eval adjDegree θ_adj θ_eval n₂ x = (n₂ x && Semantics.Lexical.Adjective.Intensification.intensifiedMeaning eval (adjDegree x) θ_adj θ_eval)
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BI preserves the N₂ restriction.
BI entails EM when the adjective degree is the contextual property.
This formalizes the grammaticalization claim: BI is a special case of EM where the contextual property is fixed to a specific adjective, and an additional threshold (the adjective's standard) is imposed. BI strengthens EM by adding the adjective's positive form as a conjunct.
"A hell of a doctor" / "A hell of a good doctor" #
Extends the §3 worked example (Person, isDoctor) with EM and BI:
- George: quality 9 → extreme enough for "hell" → EM and BI ✓
- Sarah: quality 6 → good but not extreme → EM and BI ✗
- Floyd: not a doctor → EM and BI ✗
Uses muHorrible 10 as the evaluative measure for hell:
μ_hell(d) = |d − 5|, peaking at extreme degrees.
Quality measure for EM: contextually-determined goodness as a doctor. George (9) is an outstanding doctor; Sarah (6) is decent; Floyd (3) is poor.
Equations
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.doctorQuality Semantics.Lexical.Noun.GradableNouns.Person.george = Core.Scale.deg 9 Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.doctorQuality._proof_4
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.doctorQuality Semantics.Lexical.Noun.GradableNouns.Person.sarah = Core.Scale.deg 6 Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.doctorQuality._proof_5
- Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.doctorQuality Semantics.Lexical.Noun.GradableNouns.Person.floyd = Core.Scale.deg 3 Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Binominal.doctorQuality._proof_6
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Evaluative measure for hell: peaks at extreme degrees. μ_hell(d) = |d − 5| — uses @cite{nouwen-2024}'s extreme-peaking profile. hell is valence-neutral (positive in a hell of a good time, negative in the hell of war); the extreme-peaking shape captures its intensity regardless of polarity.
Equations
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George is "a hell of a doctor": doctor ✓, quality (9) yields μ_hell(9) = |9−5| = 4 > 3 = θ_eval ✓.
Sarah is not "a hell of a doctor": quality (6) yields μ_hell(6) = |6−5| = 1, not > 3.
George is "a hell of a good doctor": good(9 > 5) ✓ AND μ_hell(9) = 4 > 3 ✓. BI compounds both thresholds.
Sarah is not "a hell of a good doctor": good(6 > 5) ✓ but μ_hell(6) = 1, not > 3. She's good, but not hell-level good.
BI → EM entailment holds in the worked example:
George's BI truth entails his EM truth (by bi_entails_em).
EBNP and EM are categorically independent #
EBNP uses N₁'s own gradable predicate (GradableNoun.pos); EM uses
a bleached evaluative measure function (EvaluativeMeasure). These are
different semantic types, so neither entails the other in general.
The worked example witnesses both directions of independence:
- Sarah is an EBNP idiot-doctor (idiocy 4 ≥ 3) but NOT an EM hell-of-a-doctor (μ_hell(6) = 1, not > 3).
- A non-idiot who happens to be extreme on a contextual quality dimension would be EM but not EBNP (not witnessed in the small example, but the Sarah case already shows ¬(EBNP → EM)).
EBNP does not entail EM: Sarah satisfies ebnpSemantics (she is an
idiot-doctor) but fails emSemantics (she is not a hell-of-a-doctor).