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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Focus.Particles

Alternative semantics: focused element evokes alternatives

  • ordinary : α

    The ordinary semantic value

  • alternatives : List α

    The focus alternatives

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    Covert EVEN (@cite{crnic-2014}, building on @cite{lahiri-1998}) #

    @cite{rooth-1992}

    EVEN has two semantic contributions:

    1. Scalar presupposition: The focused element is least likely among alternatives
    2. Additive presupposition: At least one alternative is true (for "also" reading)
    3. Assertion: The prejacent is true

    For NPI licensing, only the scalar presupposition matters.

    Likelihood ordering over propositions (context-dependent). likelihood a b holds when a is less likely (more surprising) than b.

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      Traditional EVEN semantics

      • prejacent : BProp World

        The prejacent proposition

      • alternatives : List (BProp World)

        Focus alternatives

      • likelihood : LikelihoodOrder World

        Likelihood ordering

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        EVEN asserts the prejacent

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          EVEN presupposes prejacent is least likely. This is @cite{karttunen-peters-1979}'s universal threshold: the prejacent must be less likely than ALL alternatives. @cite{francescotti-1995} argues this is too strong — see EvenThreshold.most for the revised condition.

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            EVEN is defined (presupposition satisfied)

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              Full EVEN meaning: defined and true

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                NPI Licensing Mechanism #

                The key insight: In DE contexts, wide-domain NPIs make the prejacent LESS likely, satisfying EVEN's presupposition.

                "John didn't see anyone" = EVEN [John didn't see anyone] = Presupposes: For all x, P(John didn't see x) ≥ P(John didn't see anyone) = "Not seeing anyone" is less likely than "not seeing some particular person" = Presupposition SATISFIED (negation creates DE context)

                "*John saw anyone" = EVEN [John saw anyone] = Presupposes: For all x, P(John saw x) ≥ P(John saw anyone) = "Seeing anyone" is MORE likely than seeing some particular person = Presupposition VIOLATED

                def Semantics.FocusParticles.npiLicensed {Entity : Type} (pol : Core.NaturalLogic.ContextPolarity) (npiDomain regularDomain : Set Entity) (_hWider : regularDomain npiDomain) :

                NPI licensing condition: EVEN presupposition must be satisfiable. Uses ContextPolarity from Core.NaturalLogic.

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                  theorem Semantics.FocusParticles.npi_licensed_de {Entity : Type} (npiDomain regularDomain : Set Entity) (hWider : regularDomain npiDomain) :

                  NPI licensed in DE contexts

                  theorem Semantics.FocusParticles.npi_unlicensed_ue {Entity : Type} (npiDomain regularDomain : Set Entity) (hWider : regularDomain npiDomain) :

                  NPI unlicensed in UE contexts

                  theorem Semantics.FocusParticles.npi_unlicensed_nonmon {Entity : Type} (npiDomain regularDomain : Set Entity) (hWider : regularDomain npiDomain) :

                  NPI unlicensed in non-monotonic contexts

                  Overt "only" #

                  "Only" is the overt counterpart of EXH:

                  "Only John came" = Presupposes: John came = Asserts: No one other than John came

                  This is equivalent to EXH with the prejacent as a presupposition.

                  Traditional "only" semantics

                  • prejacent : BProp World

                    The prejacent (the focused element's contribution)

                  • alternatives : List (BProp World)

                    The alternatives (what focus evokes)

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                    "only" presupposes the prejacent

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                      "only" asserts no alternative is true (except prejacent)

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                        Full "only" meaning

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                          A likelihood ordering is MONOTONE w.r.t. entailment when stronger propositions (true in fewer worlds) are less likely.

                          If p entails q (i.e., p is true only at worlds where q is true), then lessLikely p q (p is at least as unlikely as q).

                          This is the bridge between Theories/Semantics/Entailment/ and focus particle semantics — the connection that @cite{lahiri-1998} relies on to derive NPI licensing from the cardinality scale.

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                            Focus Particle Comparison #

                            ParticlePresuppositionAssertionPolarity Effect
                            EVENLeast likelyPrejacentLicenses NPIs (DE)
                            EXHNonePrejacent ∧ ¬alternativesScalar implicatures (UE)
                            onlyPrejacent¬alternativesExplicit exhaustivity

                            Key Observations #

                            1. EVEN and EXH are duals:

                              • EVEN: active in DE contexts (licenses NPIs)
                              • EXH: active in UE contexts (generates SIs)
                            2. Only is overt EXH:

                              • Same semantic effect as covert EXH
                              • But with prejacent as presupposition, not assertion

                            Threshold variants for the EVEN scalar presupposition. The theoretical dispute concerns how many alternatives the prejacent must exceed in unlikelihood:

                            • @cite{bennett-1982}: at least one (too weak)
                            • @cite{karttunen-peters-1979}: all (too strong)
                            • @cite{francescotti-1995}: most (correct)
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                                def Semantics.FocusParticles.countExceeded {α : Type} (prejacent : α) (alternatives : List α) (moreSurprising : ααBool) :

                                Count of alternatives that the prejacent exceeds under a decidable ordering.

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                                  def Semantics.FocusParticles.evenPresupWith {α : Type} (prejacent : α) (alternatives : List α) (moreSurprising : ααBool) (threshold : EvenThreshold) :

                                  Generalized EVEN presupposition parameterized by threshold. moreSurprising a b returns true when a is more surprising (less likely) than b.

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