Stratified Reference: the core unified property from @cite{champollion-2017} eq. (62). SR_{d,g}(P)(x) holds iff x can be decomposed into P-parts whose images under dimension d satisfy granularity g.
d : α → β— the dimension (e.g., thematic role θ, runtime τ, measure μ)g : β → Prop— the granularity (e.g., Atom, properSubinterval, smaller)P : α → Prop— the predicate under scrutinyx : α— the entity/event being decomposed
SR_{d,g}(P)(x) = *{y : P(y) ∧ g(d(y))}(x)
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SR d g P x = Mereology.AlgClosure (fun (y : α) => P y ∧ g (d y)) x
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Universal Stratified Reference: every P-entity has SR. eq. (63): SR_{d,g}(P) = ∀x. P(x) → SR_{d,g}(P)(x). When this holds, P is "stratified" along dimension d at granularity g.
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SR_univ d g P = ∀ (x : α), P x → Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SR d g P x
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Stratified Distributive Reference: dimension is a thematic role θ, granularity is Atom. SDR_{θ}(P)(e) holds iff e can be decomposed into P-parts whose θ-fillers are atoms (individuals). eq. (24)/(59).
SDR captures distributivity: "The boys each saw a movie" distributes over atomic agents.
Equations
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Universal SDR: every P-entity has SDR along θ.
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SDR_univ θ P = ∀ (x : α), P x → Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SDR θ P x
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Proper subinterval granularity relative to a fixed outer event e. Used by SSR: the runtime of each part must be a proper subinterval of the runtime of the whole. eq. (38)/(60).
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SSRGranularity outer inner = inner.runtime.properSubinterval outer.runtime
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Stratified Subinterval Reference: dimension is τ (runtime), granularity requires proper subinterval of the outer event's runtime. SSR(P)(e) holds iff e can be built from P-parts with strictly smaller runtimes. eq. (38)/(60).
SSR captures atelicity: predicates compatible with "for"-adverbials have SSR. "John ran for an hour" → run has SSR.
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SSR P e = Mereology.AlgClosure (fun (e' : Semantics.Events.Ev Time) => P e' ∧ Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SSRGranularity e e') e
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Universal SSR: every P-event has SSR.
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SSR_univ P = ∀ (e : Semantics.Events.Ev Time), P e → Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SSR P e
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Stratified Measurement Reference: dimension is a measure function μ, granularity requires strictly smaller measure value. SMR_{μ}(P)(x) holds iff x can be decomposed into P-parts with strictly smaller μ-values. eq. (53)/(61).
SMR captures measurement: "three pounds of apples" has SMR along the weight measure.
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SMR μ P x = Mereology.AlgClosure (fun (y : α) => P y ∧ μ y < μ x) x
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Universal SMR: every P-entity has SMR along μ.
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SMR_univ μ P = ∀ (x : α), P x → Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SMR μ P x
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Champollion's unified distributivity constraint (eq. 68): DistConstr_{Map, gran}(Share)(x) = SR_{Map, gran}(Share)(x). The three parameters—Map, granularity, and Share—are instantiated differently by each construction (each, for-adverbials, etc.).
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.DistConstr Map gran Share x = Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SR Map gran Share x
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"each" distributes over atomic θ-fillers. Map = θ (thematic role), granularity = Atom. §6.4.
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.eachConstr θ Share x = Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SDR θ Share x
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"for"-adverbials require SSR: the predicate must have stratified subinterval reference (atelicity). Map = τ, granularity = proper subinterval. §5.3.
Equations
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SR_univ entails SR for any specific element (instantiation). eq. (32): universal → restricted.
CUM predicates have SR for trivial granularity (everything passes). If P is CUM and g is always true, then SR_{d,g}(P) holds universally.
SDR is monotone in the predicate: P ⊆ Q implies SDR θ P ⊆ SDR θ Q.
Meaning postulates for verb distributivity (§6.2–6.3). These encode which verbs have SDR along which roles.
seeis distributive on both agent and theme: "The boys saw the girls" entails each boy saw each girl (distributive reading).killis distributive on theme only: "The boys killed the chicken" entails the chicken was killed (by the group).meetis NOT distributive on agent: "The boys met" does NOT entail each boy met (collective only).
These are axiomatized following the CLAUDE.md convention: prefer sorry over weakening, since the proofs require model-theoretic content.
- see_agent_sdr : SDR_univ agentOf see
"see" has SDR along the agent role.
- see_theme_sdr : SDR_univ themeOf see
"see" has SDR along the theme role.
- kill_theme_sdr : SDR_univ themeOf kill
"kill" has SDR along the theme role.
"kill" does NOT have SDR along the agent role (collective causation). §6.3: group agents can collectively cause death.
"meet" does NOT have SDR along the agent role (inherently collective). §6.3: meeting requires multiple participants.
Instances
for-adverbials require SSR (§5.3, eq. 39/66). "John ran for an hour" is felicitous because "run" has SSR. "* John arrived for an hour" is infelicitous because "arrive" lacks SSR.
QUA and SSR are directly incompatible: if P(e) and SSR(P)(e) hold, then P cannot be quantized. The AlgClosure decomposition yields a base element a with P(a) and a.runtime ⊂ e.runtime. Since a ≤ e (from the join structure) and a ≠ e (properSubinterval is irreflexive), we get a < e, contradicting QUA.
This is strictly stronger than the route through CUM (§4.4), which would require additional mereological axioms (SSR_univ → CUM is false in general: P = "events with runtime length ≤ 1" has SSR_univ but not CUM over dense time).
The "for"-adverbial adds a duration constraint on the event runtime and requires the predicate to have SSR (eq. 39). "V for δ" = λe. V(e) ∧ τ(e) = δ ∧ SSR(V)(e).
Equations
- Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.forAdverbialMeaning V duration e = (V e ∧ e.runtime = duration ∧ Semantics.Events.StratifiedReference.SSR V e)
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"in"-adverbials are incompatible with SSR (they require telicity). §5.4: "V in δ" requires QUA, which is incompatible with SSR. Any P-event with SSR has a strict P-part, contradicting QUA.