Entailment Profiles and the Argument Selection Principle #
@cite{dowty-1991} @cite{davis-koenig-2000} @cite{grimm-2011} @cite{levin-2019}
Entailment profiles encode the lexical entailments a verb imposes on each of its arguments. Proto-Agent and Proto-Patient are cluster concepts: each is defined by a set of independent entailments, and an argument's "degree of agenthood/patienthood" is determined by which entailments it satisfies.
Modern ASP (lattice-based) #
@cite{dowty-1991}'s original Argument Selection Principle used flat counting (more P-Agent entailments → subject). Subsequent work (@cite{davis-koenig-2000}, @cite{grimm-2011}, @cite{levin-2019}) identified two problems:
- Entailment non-independence: causation↔changeOfState, movement↔stationary, and independentExistence↔dependentExistence are paired across arguments; volition presupposes sentience within an argument.
- Priority: causation outranks other P-Agent entailments for subject selection.
The modern ASP uses lattice comparison (@cite{grimm-2011}): argument A outranks argument B for subjecthood iff A's P-Agent feature set dominates (is a superset of) B's. When P-Agent features are incomparable, P-Patient features break the tie. This naturally handles priority because feature-set inclusion respects the entailment dependencies.
For unaccusativity, the priority-based approach checks whether the sole argument has core agentive features (volition/causation) rather than flat-counting.
The 10 entailments defining Proto-Agent and Proto-Patient (@cite{dowty-1991} pp.572–573).
Proto-Agent entailments (a)–(e):
- volition, sentience, causation, movement, independent existence
Proto-Patient entailments (a)–(e):
- change of state, incremental theme, causally affected, stationary, dependent existence
- volition : Bool
(a) volitional involvement in the event
- sentience : Bool
(b) sentience/perception
- causation : Bool
(c) causing an event or change of state in another participant
- movement : Bool
(d) movement (relative to another participant)
- independentExistence : Bool
(e) exists independently of the event named by the verb
- changeOfState : Bool
(a) undergoes change of state
- incrementalTheme : Bool
(b) incremental theme (Krifka's SINC)
- causallyAffected : Bool
(c) causally affected by another participant
- stationary : Bool
(d) stationary relative to another participant
- dependentExistence : Bool
(e) does not exist independently of the event
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- Semantics.Events.ProtoRoles.instBEqEntailmentProfile.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Count of Proto-Agent entailments. Informational — the modern ASP uses lattice comparison, not counting. Retained for bridge theorems and backward compatibility with study files.
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Count of Proto-Patient entailments.
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P-Agent feature dominance: p has every P-Agent feature that q has.
This is the subset ordering on P-Agent feature sets.
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P-Patient feature dominance: p has every P-Patient feature that q has.
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Strict P-Agent dominance: p dominates q but not vice versa.
Means p has a strict superset of q's P-Agent features.
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Strict P-Patient dominance.
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Modern ASP: subj outranks obj for subjecthood iff:
(1) subj strictly dominates obj on P-Agent features
(subj's P-Agent set ⊃ obj's P-Agent set), OR
(2) Neither strictly dominates the other on P-Agent, AND obj
strictly dominates subj on P-Patient (obj is a "better"
object, hence subj wins by exclusion).
This replaces @cite{dowty-1991}'s flat counting with lattice comparison (@cite{grimm-2011}, @cite{davis-koenig-2000}). Priority of causation is captured structurally: {causation, IE} ⊃ {IE} but {causation, IE} ⊥ {sentience, IE} (incomparable).
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Corollary 1 (@cite{dowty-1991} p.579): Neither argument outranks the other → alternation is possible (buy/sell, like/please).
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- Semantics.Events.ProtoRoles.allowsAlternation arg1 arg2 = (!Semantics.Events.ProtoRoles.outranksForSubject arg1 arg2 && !Semantics.Events.ProtoRoles.outranksForSubject arg2 arg1)
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Predicts unaccusativity for intransitive verbs.
An intransitive subject is unaccusative iff it lacks core agentive
features (volition AND causation) and has at least one P-Patient
feature. This matches @cite{dowty-1991}'s Table 1 cell 4 and fixes
the arrive anomaly that flat counting gets wrong.
@cite{davis-koenig-2000}: causation and volition are the priority P-Agent entailments. Their absence signals non-agentivity.
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Predicts unergative for intransitive verbs.
An intransitive subject is unergative iff it has at least one core agentive feature (volition or causation) and no P-Patient features.
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- Semantics.Events.ProtoRoles.predictsUnergative p = ((p.volition || p.causation) && p.pPatientScore == 0)
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Intra-profile well-formedness: volition presupposes sentience. Only sentient entities can be volitional (@cite{dowty-1991} p.607, @cite{levin-2019} §2.1).
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Inter-argument well-formedness (@cite{davis-koenig-2000}, @cite{primus-1999}): three P-Agent entailments are paired with P-Patient entailments in asymmetric relations.
- causation (subject) → changeOfState (object)
- movement (subject) → stationary (object)
- independentExistence (subject) → dependentExistence (object)
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- Semantics.Events.ProtoRoles.wellFormedPair subj obj = ((!subj.causation || obj.changeOfState) && (!subj.movement || obj.stationary) && (!subj.independentExistence || obj.dependentExistence))
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- Semantics.Events.ProtoRoles.instBEqDoTestSource.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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The do-test passes (semantically) iff at least one of {volition, causation, movement} holds.
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Passing the do-test is equivalent to having at least one P-Agent entailment from {volition, causation, movement}.
An effector (@cite{van-valin-wilkins-1996}) is a self-energetic force bearer: movement + independent existence. Realized as external argument.
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A force recipient is causally affected or stationary. Realized as internal argument.
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Effectors have at least 2 P-Agent entailments (movement + IE).
Map each ThetaRole to its canonical entailment profile.
Traditional role labels are cluster concepts: each name picks out a typical combination of entailments. This mapping derives the labels from the underlying entailment space.
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"kick" subject: V+S+C+M+IE (prototypical agent, 5 P-Ag)
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"kick" object: CoS+CA+St (3 P-Pat)
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"build" subject: V+S+C+M+IE (5 P-Ag)
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"build" object: CoS+IT+CA+DE (4 P-Pat, incremental theme, dependent existence)
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"see" subject: S+IE (experiencer, 2 P-Ag)
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"run" subject: V+S+M+IE (4 P-Ag, unergative)
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"arrive" subject: M+IE+CoS (2 P-Ag, 1 P-Pat — unaccusative)
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"die" subject: CoS+CA+DE (0 P-Ag, 3 P-Pat — unaccusative)
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"eat" subject: V+S+C+M+IE (5 P-Ag)
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"eat" object: CoS+IT+CA (3 P-Pat, incremental theme)
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"buy" subject: V+S+C+IE (4 P-Ag)
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"sell" subject: V+S+C+IE (same as buy — 4 P-Ag)
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"sweep" basic-sense subject: M+IE (movement + independent existence). Underspecified for volition — agentivity is pragmatically resolved.
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"sweep" broom-sense subject: V+S+C+M+IE (obligatory agent, 5 P-Ag). Instrument lexicalization forces volition, sentience, causation.
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Agent outranks patient for subjecthood (lattice: {V,S,C,M,IE} ⊃ {}).
Agent outranks instrument (lattice: {V,S,C,M,IE} ⊃ {C,IE}).
Agent outranks experiencer (lattice: {V,S,C,M,IE} ⊃ {S,IE}).
Experiencer and instrument have incomparable P-Agent sets ({S,IE} ⊥ {C,IE}), but also equal P-Patient (both 0) → alternation predicted.
Experiencer and stimulus have equal profiles → alternation (like/please).