Compositional Comparative Derivation (@cite{wellwood-2015}, §2–3) #
@cite{wellwood-2015} @cite{cariani-santorio-wellwood-2024} @cite{schwarzschild-2008}@cite{wellwood-2015} argues that comparatives across nominal, verbal, and adjectival domains share a uniform DegP pipeline yielding truth conditions of the form:
∃ea. role(a, ea) ∧ P(ea) ∧ ∀eb. role(b, eb) → P(eb) →
μ(extract(eb)) < μ(extract(ea))
The three domains differ only in the thematic relation (role), the
extraction function (extract), and what is measured:
| Domain | role | extract | Measured | Example |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nominal | Agent | themeOf | Entity | "more coffee than" |
| Verbal | Agent | id | Event | "ran more than" |
| Adjectival | Holder | id | State | "hotter than" |
Under unique-max assumptions (each individual has exactly one relevant
eventuality), this reduces to direct comparison: μ(extract(ea)) > μ(extract(eb)),
bridging to comparativeSem (Rett/Schwarzschild) and statesComparativeSem (CSW).
The DimensionallyRestricted predicate from Measurement.lean explains WHY
dimension type tracks measured domain (§3.4):
- State domains (linear orders) → dimensionally restricted → unique dimension
- Entity/event domains (partial orders) → not restricted → multiple dimensions
The three comparative domains of @cite{wellwood-2015}. Each domain determines the thematic relation (role), extraction function, and measured ontological sort.
- nominal : ComparativeDomain
- verbal : ComparativeDomain
- adjectival : ComparativeDomain
Instances For
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Wellwood.instBEqComparativeDomain.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Universal comparative truth condition (@cite{wellwood-2015}, eq. 35/43/59).
"a V-s more than b does" is true iff there exists an eventuality ea
with role(a, ea) and P(ea) such that for ALL eventualities eb
with role(b, eb) and P(eb), μ(extract(eb)) < μ(extract(ea)).
Parameters:
role: thematic relation linking individual to eventuality (Agent for nominal/verbal, Holder for adjectival)P: event/state predicate (the VP or GA denotation)extract: what to measure from the eventuality (themeOf for nominal, id for verbal/adjectival)μ: measure function on the extracted domain
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Nominal comparative (Wellwood eq. 35): "Al bought more coffee than Bill did."
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Wellwood.nominalComparative frame P themeOf μ a b = Semantics.Degree.Wellwood.comparativeTruth frame.agent P themeOf μ a b
Instances For
Verbal comparative (Wellwood eq. 43): "Al ran more than Bill did."
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Wellwood.verbalComparative frame P μ a b = Semantics.Degree.Wellwood.comparativeTruth frame.agent P id μ a b
Instances For
Adjectival comparative (Wellwood eq. 59): "This coffee is hotter than that coffee."
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Wellwood.adjectivalComparative frame P μ a b = Semantics.Degree.Wellwood.comparativeTruth frame.holder P id μ a b
Instances For
Maximality reduction (@cite{wellwood-2015}, passim).
Under unique-event assumptions — each individual has exactly one eventuality satisfying P with the appropriate role — the full truth condition reduces to direct comparison of measured values.
Adjectival comparative under maximality reduces to direct state
comparison: μ(sb) < μ(sa).
CSW's statesComparativeSem is definitionally the direct comparison
μ sb < μ sa.
All comparative domains under maximality = comparativeSem (Rett/Schwarzschild).
The Wellwood pipeline under maximality reduces to the same direct
comparison as comparativeSem from Degree.Comparative on measured values.
State domains are dimensionally restricted when linearly ordered.
If two admissible measures disagree on some pair, the domain is NOT dimensionally restricted.