Heim's Degree Operator Approach #
@cite{heim-2001}
@cite{heim-2001} "Degree Operators and Scope": degree morphemes (-er,
less, -est, too) are generalized quantifiers over degrees (type
⟨dt,t⟩) that take scope by QR, just like DP quantifiers. The key
theoretical content is twofold:
- Denotation: ⟦-er than P⟧ = λQ. max(Q) > max(P), where max is the maximality operator over degree predicates.
- Scope: because DegPs QR, they interact scopally with other operators (quantifiers, negation, modals). The paper probes which scope configurations are empirically available.
Monotonicity and Scope Collapse #
Adjective denotations are monotone: if tall(x,d) then tall(x,d')
for all d' ≤ d. This means max{d: tall(x,d)} = μ(x). And for
monotone increasing operators (∀, ∃), low-DegP and high-DegP yield
equivalent truth conditions — scope is undetectable.
Comparison with Kennedy #
Kennedy's -er is DP-internal (no QR needed), so it never takes wide
scope. The two frameworks agree extensionally on simple comparatives
but diverge on scope predictions with exactly-differentials, less,
and intensional verbs.
A degree predicate: a set of degrees (type ⟨d,t⟩ in Heim's terms). Both the matrix clause and the than-clause denote degree predicates after degree abstraction.
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Heim's maximality operator (paper def. (6)): max(P) := ιd. P(d) ∧ ∀d', P(d') → d' ≤ d
We define it relationally: d is the maximum of P when it
satisfies P and is an upper bound.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.IsMaxDeg P d = (P d ∧ ∀ (d' : D), P d' → d' ≤ d)
Instances For
The matrix degree predicate for "A is d-tall": λd. μ(A) ≥ d.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.matrixPredicate μ a d = (μ a ≥ d)
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The than-clause degree predicate for "B is d-tall": λd. μ(B) ≥ d.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.thanClausePredicate μ b d = (μ b ≥ d)
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The maximum of a monotone predicate λd. μ(a) ≥ d is μ(a) itself. This grounds the Heim–Kennedy equivalence: max{d: tall(a,d)} = μ(a).
An adjective denotation (type ⟨d,et⟩) is monotone iff tall(x,d) implies tall(x,d') for all d' ≤ d.
Heim (p. 216, def. (3)): a function f of type ⟨d,et⟩ is monotone iff ∀x∀d∀d'[f(d)(x) = 1 & d' < d → f(d')(x) = 1].
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.Monotone adj = ∀ (x : Entity) (d d' : D), adj d x → d' ≤ d → adj d' x
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matrixPredicate μ a is always monotone (by construction).
Heim's -er operating on degree predicates (paper def. (6)):
⟦-er⟧(D₂)(D₁) = max(D₁) > max(D₂)
Takes two degree predicates and compares their maxima.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.erOnPredicates _P₁ _P₂ d₁ d₂ _h₁ _h₂ = (d₁ > d₂)
Instances For
Heim's less operator (paper (23)):
⟦less than P⟧ = λQ. max(Q) < max(P)
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.lessOnPredicates _P₁ _P₂ d₁ d₂ _h₁ _h₂ = (d₁ < d₂)
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Heim comparative with measure function: the result of composing
-er with degree predicates derived from a monotone adjective.
"A is taller than B" = ⟦-er⟧(λd. μ(B) ≥ d)(λd. μ(A) ≥ d) = max{d: μ(A) ≥ d} > max{d: μ(B) ≥ d} = μ(A) > μ(B)
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.heimComparativeWithMeasure μ a b = (μ a > μ b)
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Low-DegP truth conditions for "every girl is taller than 4ft": ∀x[girl(x) → max{d: tall(x,d)} > 4']
DegP scopes below the quantifier. Each girl's height exceeds 4'.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.lowDegP_forall restrictor μ threshold = ∀ (x : Entity), restrictor x → μ x > threshold
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High-DegP truth conditions for "every girl is taller than 4ft": max{d: ∀x[girl(x) → tall(x,d)]} > 4'
DegP scopes above the quantifier. The maximal degree to which every girl is tall exceeds 4'. This equals the height of the shortest girl (by monotonicity).
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.highDegP_forall restrictor μ threshold = ∃ (d : D), (∀ (x : Entity), restrictor x → μ x ≥ d) ∧ d > threshold
Instances For
Monotone collapse (Heim §2.1): for ∀ + more-comparatives, high-DegP → low-DegP (the reverse direction).
If there exists d > threshold s.t. every girl is d-tall, then every girl exceeds threshold (since μ(x) ≥ d > threshold).
Monotone collapse (Heim §2.1): for ∀ + more-comparatives, low-DegP → high-DegP (given a witness).
If every girl is taller than threshold, pick any girl w — her
height witnesses d > threshold with ∀x.tall(x,d) being vacuously
weak (every girl is at least threshold-tall, and w is one of them).
Low-DegP for ∃: ∃x[girl(x) ∧ μ(x) > threshold].
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.DegreeAbstraction.lowDegP_exists restrictor μ threshold = ∃ (x : Entity), restrictor x ∧ μ x > threshold
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High-DegP for ∃: max{d: ∃x[girl(x) ∧ tall(x,d)]} > threshold. This equals the tallest girl's height.
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Monotone collapse for ∃ + more: low ↔ high.
The degree set {d : ¬(μ(x) ≥ d)} = {d : d > μ(x)}. This set has no maximum on an unbounded scale. Heim (p. 220): high-DegP over negation is ruled out because max{d: ¬tall(m,d)} is undefined.
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The negated degree set is exactly {d : d > μ(a)}.
Extensional equivalence: Heim yields the same truth conditions
as the consensus comparative semantics for simple comparatives.
They differ only on scope predictions with exactly-differentials,
less-comparatives, and intensional verbs (Heim §2.2–2.3).