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Linglib.Theories.Pragmatics.Implicature.Core.Basic

Speaker's belief state about a proposition ψ.

Following Geurts' diagram on p.39:

  • belief: Bel_S(ψ) — speaker believes ψ is true
  • disbelief: Bel_S(¬ψ) — speaker believes ψ is false
  • noOpinion: ¬Bel_S(ψ) ∧ ¬Bel_S(¬ψ) — speaker has no opinion
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      Competence: speaker knows whether ψ. Formally: Bel_S(ψ) ∨ Bel_S(¬ψ)

      A competent speaker is not agnostic — they have an opinion one way or the other.

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        Non-belief: speaker doesn't believe ψ. Formally: ¬Bel_S(ψ)

        This is the weak implicature -- speaker might believe ¬ψ or have no opinion.

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          Strong implicature: speaker believes ¬ψ. Formally: Bel_S(¬ψ)

          This requires competence to derive from nonBelief.

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            The result of applying the Standard Recipe to an utterance.

            • weakImplicature : Bool
            • competenceHolds : Bool
            • strongImplicature : Bool
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                Apply the Standard Recipe to derive implicatures.

                Given a belief state about the alternative ψ, determine what implicatures arise.

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                  Theorem: Competence Strengthening

                  weak implicature + competence → strong implicature

                  If the speaker doesn't believe ψ (weak) AND is competent (knows whether ψ), then the speaker must believe ¬ψ (strong).

                  Formally: ¬Bel_S(ψ) ∧ (Bel_S(ψ) ∨ Bel_S(¬ψ)) → Bel_S(¬ψ)

                  Theorem: Weak Without Strong

                  A weak implicature can hold without the strong implicature (when the speaker lacks competence).

                  Theorem: Strong Implies Weak

                  If the strong implicature holds, the weak implicature holds. Bel_S(¬ψ) → ¬Bel_S(ψ)

                  Theorem: Strong Implies Competent

                  If the strong implicature holds, the speaker is competent. Bel_S(¬ψ) → (Bel_S(ψ) ∨ Bel_S(¬ψ))

                  Theorem: No Belief Implies Weak Implicature

                  If the speaker doesn't believe ψ, the weak implicature holds. This is direct from the definition.

                  Three possible outcomes for a hearer processing an implicature:

                  1. Undecided: Weak implicature only (¬Bel_S(ψ)), competence not assumed
                  2. Strong: Competence holds, derive Bel_S(¬ψ)
                  3. Incompetent: Competence rejected, speaker has no opinion

                  Following Geurts' discussion on p.40.

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                      Theorem: Outcomes are Exhaustive and Distinct

                      The three outcomes partition the space of competent/weak combinations.

                      When do scalar implicatures get triggered?

                      Both views are Neo-Gricean (pragmatic, maxim-based), but differ on triggering:

                      • Defaultism (Levinson): SIs fire by default, automatically
                      • Contextualism (Geurts): SIs depend on context (QUD, salience)

                      Reference:

                      • Levinson, S. (2000). Presumptive Meanings. MIT Press.
                      • Geurts, B. (2010). Quantity Implicatures. Ch. 5.
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                          Parameters that characterize a Neo-Gricean theory variant.

                          • trigger : SITrigger

                            When do SIs get triggered?

                          • competenceEnabled : Bool

                            Is competence assumption enabled?

                          • predictedNeutralRate : Nat

                            Predicted baseline SI rate in neutral context (percentage)

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                              Levinson's Defaultism: SIs are presumptive meanings that arise automatically.

                              Key claims:

                              • SIs are "default" inferences
                              • They arise rapidly and automatically
                              • Context can cancel them, but they're the default

                              Prediction: High SI rates (~90%+) even in neutral contexts.

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                                Geurts' Contextualism: SIs depend on the Question Under Discussion.

                                Key claims:

                                • SIs are not automatic defaults
                                • They arise when alternatives are contextually salient
                                • The QUD determines which alternatives matter

                                Prediction: Moderate SI rates (~35%) in truly neutral contexts; asking about the SI raises salience and inflates rates.

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                                  Does this theory variant predict a task effect?

                                  Contextualism predicts that asking "does this imply not-all?" will raise SI rates by making the alternative salient.

                                  Defaultism predicts no task effect since SIs are automatic.

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                                    Does this theory variant predict high SI rates in neutral contexts?

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