Register Tier Theory #
@cite{snider-1999} @cite{snider-2020}
Register features as independent phonological primitives, following Snider's (1999, 2020) Register Tier Theory. Register features are syntagmatic: they effect a pitch shift relative to the preceding context, unlike paradigmatic tone features which specify absolute pitch targets within a register.
Geometry of tone (Snider 2020) #
h / l Register tier
H / L Tonal tier
○ Tonal root node (TRN)
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TBU Tone-bearing unit
The TRN bundles register and tone features. In register-only systems like Drubea and Numèè (@cite{lionnet-2025}), the tonal tier is absent and the system is fully described by register features alone.
Key distinction #
- Tone-based systems: tonal contrasts defined paradigmatically (H is higher than L in the same context)
- Register-based systems: tonal contrasts defined syntagmatically (a downstepped unit is lower than the preceding unit)
This distinction enriches @cite{hyman-2006}'s word-prosodic typology.
Register features (@cite{snider-1999}, @cite{snider-2020}).
Syntagmatically defined: each feature effects a register shift relative to the preceding register setting.
h: raise register (upstep) — higher than precedingl: lower register (downstep) — lower than preceding
- h : RegisterFeature
- l : RegisterFeature
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Tone features (@cite{yip-1980}, @cite{clements-1981}).
Paradigmatically defined: specify a pitch target within the current register setting.
- H : ToneFeature
- L : ToneFeature
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Tonal root node (TRN): bundles register and tone features into a single prosodic specification (@cite{snider-2020}: 23).
Standard tones decompose as register + tone:
- High =
Hh(high tone, raised register) - Low =
Ll(low tone, lowered register) - Mid =
LhorHl - Downstepped High =
Hl
Register-only systems (Drubea/Numèè) use tone = none.
- register : Option RegisterFeature
- tone : Option ToneFeature
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The prosodic domain that carries register/tone specifications.
In most tone languages this is the syllable; in Drubea and Numèè it is the mora (@cite{lionnet-2025} §4.2).
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Register specification on a single register-bearing unit (RBU).
none = registerless (prosodically unspecified).
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Realize a sequence of register specifications as pitch levels.
Models terracing: starting from a baseline pitch level, each l
lowers by one step and each h raises by one step. Registerless
units maintain the current level.
This captures the staircase-descent seen in utterances with multiple downsteps (@cite{lionnet-2025}: ex. 11, 12, Figure 7).
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- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.realizePitch x✝ [] = []
- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.realizePitch x✝ (none :: rest) = x✝ :: Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.realizePitch x✝ rest
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Utterance-initial neutralization: an l feature on the first RBU
is not phonetically realized (no preceding register to contrast with),
but remains phonologically active (@cite{lionnet-2025} §3.5, §4.5).
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Culminativity: a stem contains at most one l feature.
This constraint holds for all native Drubea and Numèè stems (@cite{lionnet-2025} §3.10, Table 2).
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Pre-downstep h-epenthesis (@cite{lionnet-2025} §4.4): insert
an h feature on the registerless RBU immediately before a downstep.
This raises the pitch of the preceding syllable, reinforcing the downward contrast. The operation is postlexical and optional.
This models the abrupt raising pattern (the most common case).
For the gradual pattern where raising extends over multiple
registerless RBUs, see hEpenthesisSpread.
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- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.hEpenthesis [] = []
- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.hEpenthesis [x_1] = [x_1]
- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.hEpenthesis (x_1 :: rest) = x_1 :: Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.hEpenthesis rest
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Spreading h-epenthesis: raise ALL registerless RBUs in the sequence preceding a downstep, not just the immediately preceding one.
This models the spreading pattern described in @cite{lionnet-2025} §3.2 (ex. 16), where pitch raising "extends through a sequence of registerless syllables" before a downstep.
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- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.hEpenthesisSpread.mark [] = []
- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.hEpenthesisSpread.mark (x_1 :: rest) = x_1 :: Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.hEpenthesisSpread.mark rest
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Word-prosodic system types (@cite{hyman-2006}, enriched by @cite{lionnet-2025} §6.2).
Hyman (2006) defines two prototypical systems: tone and stress accent. Lionnet (2025) shows that tone systems split into tone-based (paradigmatic) and register-based (syntagmatic).
- toneBased : WordProsodicType
- registerBased : WordProsodicType
- stressAccent : WordProsodicType
- mixed : WordProsodicType
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Core definitional properties of downstep, following @cite{leben-2018} as refined by @cite{lionnet-2025} §6.1.
Properties (a–c) are definitional; (d–f) are cross-linguistic tendencies that need not hold in every system.
- affectsDomain : Bool
(a) Affects the entire prosodic domain, not just a single tone.
- changesRegister : Bool
(b) Changes the register for what follows.
- isCumulative : Bool
(c) Cumulative: multiple downsteps stack (unlimited in principle).
- uttInitialNeutral : Bool
(d) Utterance-initially, no phonetic contrast with undownstepped.
- characteristicallyAffectsH : Bool
(e) Characteristically affects H tones.
- functionsContrastively : Bool
(f) Functions contrastively (phonological, syntactic, morphophonological, or lexical).
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Inventory of primitives in a phonological analysis.
Used to compare competing analyses of the same data — the analysis with fewer primitives and processes is preferred, all else being equal (@cite{lionnet-2025} §5).
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- Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.RegisterTier.instBEqAnalysisInventory.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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A single downstep lowers pitch by one step.
Multiple downsteps produce cumulative terracing.
Concrete terracing from baseline 4 (mid-high on 1–5 scale).
h-epenthesis raises the RBU before a downstep.
h-epenthesis + realization: the raised RBU is higher than baseline.
After neutralization, the utterance starts at baseline.
Culminativity: a single l is culminative.
Non-culminative: two l features violate culminativity.