Subject-Auxiliary Inversion: Empirical Data #
@cite{radford-2009} @cite{adger-2003} @cite{sag-wasow-bender-2003} @cite{chomsky-1957} @cite{henry-1995} @cite{klima-1964} @cite{mccloskey-2006} @cite{westergaard-2009}
Theory-neutral data on subject-auxiliary inversion (SAI) in English and beyond.
The Phenomenon #
In English, finite auxiliaries invert with the subject in matrix questions but not in embedded questions. This basic pattern interacts with negation, conditionals, exclamatives, and shows systematic dialectal variation.
Classic Data #
The core SAI pattern has been a central case study in generative syntax since @cite{chomsky-1957}. Textbook presentations: @cite{radford-2009}, @cite{adger-2003}, @cite{sag-wasow-bender-2003}.
Boundary Cases #
Several phenomena push beyond the textbook treatment:
- Negative inversion
- Conditional inversion
- Embedded inversion in non-standard varieties
- Do-support and verb movement
- Verb-specific acquisition of inversion
The syntactic context in which SAI does or does not occur.
- matrixWh : SAIContext
Matrix wh-question: "What can John eat?"
- matrixYN : SAIContext
Matrix yes/no question: "Can John eat pizza?"
- embedded : SAIContext
Embedded question: "I wonder what John can eat"
- echo : SAIContext
Echo question: "John can eat WHAT?"
- negativeInversion : SAIContext
Negative fronting: "Never have I seen such a thing"
- conditionalInversion : SAIContext
Conditional inversion: "Had I known, I would have come"
- exclamative : SAIContext
Exclamative: "Boy, is it hot!"
- soNeither : SAIContext
So/neither inversion: "So did I" / "Neither can she"
- embeddedDialectal : SAIContext
Embedded inversion (dialectal): "I asked could he come"
- sententialNegation : SAIContext
Sentential negation (parallel to SAI for do-support): "Sue does not eat fish" / "Sue is not eating fish"
- verbRaising : SAIContext
Verb raising diagnostic (adverb/quantifier placement): "Jean embrasse souvent Marie" vs "*John kisses often Mary"
- tagQuestion : SAIContext
Tag question: "She likes him, doesn't she?"
- vpEllipsis : SAIContext
VP ellipsis (stranded tense): "She runs faster than he does"
- emphatic : SAIContext
Emphatic/verum focus: "Sue DOES eat fish"
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Acceptability judgment.
- grammatical : Acceptability
- ungrammatical : Acceptability
- marginal : Acceptability
- dialectal : Acceptability
Grammatical in some dialects but not Standard American/British English
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A single SAI judgment.
- sentence : String
The example sentence
- inverted : Bool
Whether the sentence shows auxiliary/verb-before-subject order
- context : SAIContext
The syntactic context
- acceptability : Acceptability
Acceptability judgment
- language : String
Language (default: English)
- description : String
Description of what this datum tests
- citation : String
Citation for the datum
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- Phenomena.WordOrder.SubjectAuxInversion.instBEqSAIDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Matrix wh-questions #
Wh-questions in root clauses require SAI in Standard English. The auxiliary must precede the subject.
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Matrix yes/no questions #
Polar questions also require SAI.
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Embedded questions #
Embedded questions in Standard English prohibit SAI. The complementizer or wh-word alone marks the clause as interrogative.
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Echo questions #
Echo questions preserve declarative word order with prosodic focus on the wh-element. No SAI occurs.
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When a negative or restrictive adverbial is fronted, SAI is obligatory. This is surprising on a purely interrogative analysis of inversion — negative inversion occurs in declaratives, not questions. It is a key argument for treating SAI as a structural phenomenon (head movement to C or feature-driven) rather than an illocutionary one.
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Counterfactual conditionals allow omission of 'if' with obligatory SAI. This is restricted to 'had', 'were', and 'should', suggesting it is a lexically specific rather than fully productive process.
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SAI also occurs in exclamatives and in 'so'/'neither' constructions. These extend the phenomenon beyond interrogatives.
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Standard English prohibits SAI in embedded questions, but several dialects productively allow it. This is a key testing ground for syntactic theory:
- Belfast English: Embedded inversion with specific verbs (wonder, ask, know) but not others (tell).
- Hiberno-English: More general embedded inversion, including with 'if' complements. The dialectal data challenges any analysis that categorically ties SAI to root CP structure. It suggests the [+Q] or [+wh] feature can license T-to-C in embedded clauses under the right parametric conditions.
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@cite{pollock-1989} established that French and English differ fundamentally in verb movement. French lexical verbs obligatorily raise to I (T), placing them before adverbs, negation, and floating quantifiers. English lexical verbs stay in situ, below adverbs and negation.
This contrast is the reason English has do-support and restricts SAI to auxiliaries: English lexical verbs cannot raise to T (let alone to C), so when T must be spelled out in C (for SAI) or above negation, a dummy 'do' is inserted instead.
(Pollock 2) Negation: a. *John likes not Mary. (English: V cannot raise past negation) b. Jean n'aime pas Marie. (French: V raises past negation)
(Pollock 3) Questions / SAI: a. *Likes he Mary? (English: lexical V cannot invert) b. Aime-t-il Marie? (French: lexical V inverts)
(Pollock 4) Adverb placement: a. *John kisses often Mary. (English: V cannot raise past adverb) b. Jean embrasse souvent Marie. (French: V raises past adverb) c. John often kisses Mary. (English: adverb precedes V) d. *Jean souvent embrasse Marie. (French: adverb cannot precede V)
(Pollock 5) Floating quantifiers: a. *My friends love all Mary. (English: V cannot raise past FQ) b. Mes amis aiment tous Marie. (French: V raises past FQ) c. My friends all love Mary. (English: FQ precedes V) d. *Mes amis tous aiment Marie. (French: FQ cannot precede V)
The four diagnostics converge: French V raises, English V does not. English auxiliaries do raise (hence "John has often eaten" is grammatical), which is why they can participate in SAI while lexical verbs cannot.
Pollock (3): French lexical verb inversion
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Pollock (4): Adverb placement diagnostic
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Pollock (2): Negation diagnostic
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Pollock (5): Floating quantifier diagnostic
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English auxiliaries DO raise (unlike lexical verbs) — same diagnostic
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SAI interacts with do-support: when no auxiliary is present, 'do' is inserted to host tense and carry out inversion.
@cite{arregi-pietraszko-2021} unify upward displacement (T-to-C in SAI) and downward displacement (T-to-V lowering) as a single operation: Generalized Head Movement (GenHM). Under GenHM, the same mechanism of M-value sharing drives both. The crucial empirical support is that lexical verbs trigger do-support in all three contexts where tense cannot lower — negation, verum focus, and SAI — while auxiliaries invert directly in all three. This parallel is predicted if SAI and T-lowering are the same operation (displacement of T) with spelling out at the highest strong terminal.
(A&P 36) Lexical verbs — do-support in negation / verum / SAI: a. Sue does not eat fish. (*Sue not eats fish) b. Sue DOES eat fish. (*Sue EATS fish [verum]) c. Where does Sue eat fish? (*Where eats Sue fish?)
(A&P 37) Auxiliaries — direct displacement, no do-support: a. Sue is not eating fish. (*Sue does not be eating fish) b. Sue IS eating fish. (*Sue DOES be eating fish [verum]) c. Where is Sue eating fish? (*Where does Sue be eating fish?)
The do-support facts raise a puzzle for T-to-C analyses: if T moves to C, why is a dummy 'do' needed rather than affix-lowering simply being blocked? Arregi & Pietraszko resolve this by treating the spell-out position as a PF decision, independent of the syntactic feature-sharing operation.
Do-support with lexical verbs in SAI
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Auxiliaries invert without do-support
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The negation/verum parallel (same auxiliary vs lexical verb contrast)
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Three further contexts where tense needs overt support, completing the paradigm of environments that trigger do-insertion with lexical verbs.
Tag question with do-support
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VP ellipsis with stranded tense
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Verum focus (emphatic 'do')
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All individual SAI data points.
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Classic core data (matrix + embedded questions only).
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Non-interrogative SAI contexts (negative, conditional, exclamative).
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Dialectal variation data.
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French/English verb movement contrast.
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Cross-linguistic data (non-English).
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Do-support interaction data.
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