Linearization of Complex Modifiers: (Dis)obeying the Head-Final Filter #
@cite{alexeyenko-zeijlstra-2025}
The Head-Final Filter (HFF, Williams 1982) states that prenominal modifiers must not contain post-head material. @cite{alexeyenko-zeijlstra-2025} show that the HFF both overgenerates (Greek and Russian allow A–XP–N) and undergenerates (Basque and Chácobo display mirror-HFF effects).
They propose the Modifier-Noun Adjacency Generalization (MAG) (34): an XP can intervene between N and its modifying adjective A only if
(a) A has an overt agreement marker that is also present on the predicative form of A and specified for all φ/κ-features in the DP, or (b) A has an overt attributive marker morphophonologically independent of A (adjectival clitic or free word) or forming a morphophonological unit with N.
The MAG is derived from two independent factors:
- Feature composition (§5.1): φ/κ-completeness of adjectives determines whether an attributivizer is needed for modification
- Morphophonological status of Attr (§5.2): affixal Attr must be adjacent to its host (ICP, @cite{ackema-neeleman-2004}), while clitic/free-word Attr imposes no adjacency
We formalize the MAG as a decision procedure matching the paper's decision trees (44)/(45), encode 24 languages from Table 3, and verify that the MAG correctly predicts all of them while the HFF fails for 11. Bridge theorems connect to WALS F87A and Minimalist feature infrastructure.
Does the combination of adjective position and AP-internal direction create a configuration where XP could intervene between A and N? Prenominal A–XP–N requires head-initial AP; postnominal N–XP–A requires head-final AP. This is the prerequisite checked at the top of both decision trees (44) and (45).
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MAG condition (a) (34a): adjectives have identical, fully specified φ/κ-agreement in both predicative and attributive use.
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MAG condition (b) (34b): the attributivizer is morphophonologically independent of the adjective.
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MAG licensing: does the language's morphosyntax permit intervention when geometry supports it? Disjunction of conditions (a) and (b).
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MAG prediction: intervention is observed iff geometry exists AND MAG conditions license it.
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Decision tree (44), p. 24: Is A–XP–N possible in prenominal APs?
- Is AP-internal order head-initial (A–XP)? NO → trivially HFF (Japanese)
- Are pred & attr φ/κ-complete? YES → intervention OK (Greek)
- Is Attr a clitic/free word? YES → intervention OK (Tagalog) NO → adjacency forced (German, English)
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Decision tree (45), p. 25: Is N–XP–A possible in postnominal APs? Mirror of (44).
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The decision trees are equivalent to interventionPredicted.
Greek: pred & attr identically inflected for gender, number, case (37). Both are fully φ/κ-specified. MAG(a).
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Russian: long forms fully φ/κ-marked; used in both pred & attr positions. Short forms are pred-only and irrelevant (Table 4). (24), (39). MAG(a).
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Bulgarian: affixal agreement, pred & attr identical for φ/κ. MAG(a).
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Polish: fully inflected pred & attr, like Russian. MAG(a).
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Lithuanian: affixal φ/κ-agreement on pred & attr alike. MAG(a).
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Latin: full φ/κ-marking (gender, number, case) in both pred and attr uses. Both pre- and postnominal. (35). MAG(a).
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Mandarin: no φ-agreement; attributivizer 的 (de) cliticizes to AP. (26). MAG(b).
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Tagalog: no φ-agreement; attributivizer -ng/na is a clitic. Both pre- and postnominal. (27). MAG(b).
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German: pred adjectives bare, attr carry agreement affix (38, 60–63). predAttrSameAgreement = false (pred bare, attr inflected).
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English: no overt agreement on adjectives. Null Attr evidenced by distributional parallels with Dutch (§5.2.3). (71).
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Dutch: attr schwa -e (overt) or null (indef neut sg), both affixal. Pred adjectives bare (64). (65)–(68), Table 6.
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Icelandic: strong/weak distinction. Pred = strong only; attr = strong (indef) or weak (def). Attr forms carry definiteness features absent from pred forms → pred ≠ attr. (40)–(42), Table 5.
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Serbo-Croatian: short (pred only) vs long (pred/attr, definiteness). Attr long forms encode definiteness absent from short pred forms → pred ≠ attr featurally. (21), (43).
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Hungarian: bare pred adjectives, no overt attr agreement. (18).
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Georgian: HFF-obeying, null Attr. (17).
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Armenian (Modern Eastern): HFF-obeying, null Attr. (20).
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Italian: postnominal primary, head-initial APs → no N–XP–A geometry. φ-agreement (gender, number) but no κ (case) on adjectives → agreementPhiKappaComplete = false. (36), (72).
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Japanese: strictly head-final APs → no post-head material to create A–XP–N geometry. Trivially HFF-obeying (§2.2).
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Basque: postnominal, head-final. Complex attr APs blocked; must use relative clause with -en. (3), (28).
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Chácobo (Panoan): postnominal, head-final. Complex attr APs impossible; relativize with =ka(to) instead. (29).
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Eastern Oromo: postnominal, head-final. Complex attr APs blocked; must use dependent clause marker. (30).
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Farsi: postnominal, head-final. Ezafe cliticizes to NP (33). MAG(b).
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Atong (Sino-Tibetan): postnominal, head-final. Clitic attributivizer =gaba/=aw. (32). MAG(b).
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Kalaallisut (West Greenlandic): postnominal, head-final. Full affixal φ/κ-agreement; pred & attr identically specified. (31). MAG(a).
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- name : String
- profile : Minimalism.Modification.AdjMorphProfile
- observed : Bool
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The MAG correctly predicts all 24 languages in Table 3.
Greek uses MAG(a) alone: φ/κ-complete, no clitic Attr.
Mandarin uses MAG(b) alone: clitic 的, no φ/κ-agreement.
Kalaallisut uses MAG(a) alone despite affixal Attr: φ/κ-complete agreement overrides affix adjacency.
German fails BOTH conditions: pred ≠ attr AND Attr is affix.
MAG(a) failure modes are distinct. German fails because pred ≠ attr (clause 1); Italian fails because agreement is not κ-complete (clause 2, no case on adjectives). Both have geometry.
Languages where geometry exists but intervention IS observed — exactly those satisfying MAG(a) or MAG(b). The HFF (+ mirror) incorrectly blocks all of them.
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HFF overgenerates for Greek: blocks A–XP–N but it is observed.
HFF overgenerates for Mandarin: clitic 的 licenses A–XP–N.
HFF undergenerates for Basque: mirror-HFF effects exist but the original HFF cannot state them (postnominal APs).
English "enough" (15)–(16): a genuine HFF exception. Post-adjectival degree modifier that CAN precede the noun: "a tall enough guy." In the MAG analysis, DegP headed by "enough" intervenes between Attr and A; this is possible because null Attr (when DegP heads the extended AP) attaches to DegP, not A (69b).
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Greek: fragment entry confirms pred = attr agreement.
Greek: fragment entry confirms φ/κ-completeness.
Greek profile is consistent with fragment: pred = attr.
Greek profile is consistent with fragment: φ/κ-complete.
German: fragment entry confirms pred ≠ attr.
German profile is consistent with fragment.
Russian: fragment confirms pred = attr (long forms identical).
Russian profile is consistent with fragment.
Italian: fragment confirms pred = attr (both carry φ).
Italian: fragment confirms NOT φ/κ-complete (no case).
Italian profile is consistent with fragment: pred = attr.
Italian profile is consistent with fragment: NOT φ/κ-complete.
Greek uses direct modification (no Attr needed).
German uses Attr-mediated modification.
Mandarin uses Attr-mediated modification (clitic 的).
Italian uses Attr-mediated modification (null Attr for κ).
Kalaallisut uses direct modification despite affixal Attr: φ/κ-complete agreement means Attr is not needed structurally.
German: affixal Attr → ICP blocks intervention.
English: null Attr → ICP blocks intervention.
Mandarin: clitic 的 → ICP does NOT block.
Farsi: clitic ezafe → ICP does NOT block.
The two MAG conditions are orthogonal to the two theory-layer mechanisms. Condition (a) = direct modification route; ICP blocking = morphophonological factor of condition (b).
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- Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.AlexeyenkoZeijlstra2025.walsToPosition Core.WALS.F87A.AdjectiveNounOrder.adjectiveNoun = Minimalism.Modification.AdjPosition.prenominal
- Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.AlexeyenkoZeijlstra2025.walsToPosition Core.WALS.F87A.AdjectiveNounOrder.nounAdjective = Minimalism.Modification.AdjPosition.postnominal
- Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.AlexeyenkoZeijlstra2025.walsToPosition Core.WALS.F87A.AdjectiveNounOrder.noDominantOrder = Minimalism.Modification.AdjPosition.both
- Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.AlexeyenkoZeijlstra2025.walsToPosition Core.WALS.F87A.AdjectiveNounOrder.onlyInternallyHeadedRelativeClauses = Minimalism.Modification.AdjPosition.both
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