Tense Phenomena: Empirical Data #
@cite{abusch-1997} @cite{anand-nevins-2004} @cite{banfield-1982} @cite{comrie-1985} @cite{deal-2020} @cite{declerck-1991} @cite{declerck-2006} @cite{heim-kratzer-1998} @cite{iatridou-2000} @cite{klecha-2016} @cite{kratzer-1998} @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012} @cite{schlenker-2004} @cite{sharvit-2003} @cite{von-stechow-2009} @cite{wurmbrand-2014} @cite{condoravdi-2002} @cite{schlenker-2003}
Unified entry point for tense phenomena. Absorbs the former
Phenomena/SequenceOfTense/Data.lean and extends coverage to
10+ temporal phenomena that distinguish tense theories.
Theory-neutral empirical data only — no theoretical commitments.
Bridge theorems connecting this data to specific tense theories
are in Studies/HeimKratzer1998.lean.
Phenomena Covered #
Baseline (§0) #
- Root-clause simple tenses: past, present, future
Core comparison set (10 + 1 debate) #
- Past-under-past: "John said Mary was sick" (shifted + simultaneous)
- Present-under-past: "John said Mary is sick" (double access)
- Future-under-past: "John said Mary would leave"
- SOT vs non-SOT: English vs Japanese
- Upper Limit Constraint: no forward-shifted readings
- Relative clause tense: "the man who was tall"
- Modal-tense interaction: "John might have left"
- Counterfactual tense: "If John were here..."
- Temporal de re: "John believed it was raining"
- Deletion vs ambiguity: same surface, different mechanisms
Eventual targets (7) #
- SOT in indirect questions: "John asked who was sick"
- Free indirect discourse: perspective shift without attitude verb
- Historical/narrative present: "Napoleon enters the room"
- Perfect tense interactions: "John said Mary had been sick"
- Future-oriented complements: "John wanted to leave"
- Tense in adjunct clauses: "Before John left, Mary was happy"
- Indexical tense shift: Amharic/Zazaki tense under attitudes
Extended phenomena (5) — Sharvit, Zeijlstra, Wurmbrand #
- Embedded present puzzle: "John will say Mary is sick"
- Lifetime effects: "Aristotle was a philosopher"
- Fake past: "If John were taller..."
- Optional SOT (Hebrew-type)
- Dependent vs independent tense
Discourse-level phenomena (6) — @cite{declerck-1991}/2006 #
- Temporal domain shift vs subordination
- False tense: politeness and tentativeness
- PPS vs FPS in conditionals
- Temporal conjunctions with implicit TOs
- Bounded/unbounded default interpretation (PUTI)
- Present perfect vs preterit: time-sphere distinction
The most elementary tense phenomena: root-clause sentences with simple past, present, and future tense. These are the baseline against which all embedded and discourse-level phenomena are measured.
"John left." — simple past
"It rains." — simple present
"John will leave." — simple future
All three are root clauses (P = S), perfective aspect (E = R),
and satisfy exactly one of PAST / PRESENT / FUTURE.
"John left." — simple past root clause. S = P = 0 (root: perspective = speech time). R = E = -2 (past: reference before perspective, perfective: E = R).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.simplePastLeft = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
"It rains." — simple present root clause. S = P = R = E = 0 (present: reference at perspective, perfective).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.simplePresentRains = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
"John will leave." — simple future root clause. S = P = 0, R = E = 3 (future: reference after perspective).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.simpleFutureWillLeave = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 3, eventTime := 3 }
Instances For
Simple present: R = P.
Simple future: P < R.
All three are root clauses: P = S.
All three are perfective: E = R.
Past excludes present and future.
Present excludes past and future.
Future excludes past and present.
Two readings of "John said that Mary was sick": - SIMULTANEOUS: Mary's being sick overlaps with John's saying - SHIFTED: Mary's being sick precedes John's saying
Matrix frame for "John said..." (past tense, perfective). Speech time S = 0, saying event at t = -2.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.matrixSaid = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Embedded frame for "Mary was sick" — SIMULTANEOUS reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = E_matrix = -2. Mary is sick at the time of the saying.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.embeddedSickSimultaneous = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Embedded frame for "Mary was sick" — SHIFTED reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = -5 < E_matrix. Mary was sick before the saying.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.embeddedSickShifted = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -5, eventTime := -5 }
Instances For
Embedded frame for "Mary is sick" — PRESENT under PAST. Double-access reading: Mary is sick now (at speech time) AND the sickness is relevant at the time of saying.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.embeddedSickPresent = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
Embedded frame for "Mary would leave" — FUTURE under PAST. "Would" = PAST + FUTURE: the leaving is after the saying but before or at speech time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.embeddedWouldLeave = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -1, eventTime := -1 }
Instances For
Japanese matrix frame: "Taroo-ga... to itta" (Taro said...). Same temporal structure as English matrix.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.matrixItta = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Japanese embedded: "Mary-ga byooki-datta" (Mary was sick) — absolute past. In non-SOT Japanese, embedded past is absolute (relative to S, not E). Only the shifted reading: sick-time < say-time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.embeddedByookiDatta = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -5, eventTime := -5 }
Instances For
Hypothetical forward-shifted frame (for gap demonstration). If past-under-past allowed forward shift, R' > E_matrix. This frame is PREDICTED NOT TO EXIST as a reading.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.embeddedSickForwardShifted = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -1, eventTime := -1 }
Instances For
Relative clause frame: "the man who was tall" Perspective time = time of the described event (not matrix E). The past tense in the RC is checked against the RC's own perspective time, not the matrix tense.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.rcWasTall = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
Relative clause under past matrix: "John met the man who was tall" Here the RC tense could be relative to matrix E or to S — this is the Sharvit challenge to Abusch.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.rcWasTallUnderPast = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -4, eventTime := -4 }
Instances For
Modal-past frame: "John might have left" The past tense "have left" is under the modal "might". The leaving is past relative to... what? Speech time? Modal eval time? @cite{klecha-2016}: relative to the modal's evaluation time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.modalPast = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -1, eventTime := -1 }
Instances For
Counterfactual frame: "If John were here..." Past morphology ("were") but present-time reference. The "pastness" is modal distance, not temporal precedence.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.counterfactualWere = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
Temporal de re frame: "John believed it was raining" The rain event is located at a time determined in the actual world (de re), not in John's belief worlds (de dicto).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.temporalDeRe = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
The simultaneous reading of "John said Mary was sick" arises from
the same surface form regardless of mechanism. The debate is about
the underlying representation:
- Kratzer: deletion removes embedded past → R' = E_matrix
- Ogihara: zero tense reading of past → R' = E_matrix
Both produce embeddedSickSimultaneous — same Reichenbach frame.
The disagreement is about the derivation, not the result.
Indirect questions show SOT effects: "John asked who was sick" has both a simultaneous reading (who is sick at the asking time?) and a shifted reading (who was sick before the asking?).
The question embedding adds a layer: the embedded wh-clause's
tense interacts with both the question semantics and the matrix
tense. @cite{sharvit-2003} and @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012} argue this
is not a simple extension of declarative SOT.
Matrix frame for "John asked..." (past tense, perfective).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.matrixAsked = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Embedded frame for "who was sick" — simultaneous with asking. The question is about sickness at the asking time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.indirectQSimultaneous = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Embedded frame for "who was sick" — shifted before asking. The question is about sickness before the asking time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.indirectQShifted = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -4, eventTime := -4 }
Instances For
Free indirect discourse (FID) exhibits perspective shift in tense without an overt attitude verb:
"She walked to the window. The garden was/*is beautiful."
The past tense in the second sentence is evaluated from the
character's perspective time, not the narrator's. This challenges
theories that derive perspective shift from attitude verb semantics
(Abusch, Von Stechow, Kratzer, Ogihara) — there is no attitude verb
to trigger the shift.
@cite{banfield-1982}, @cite{schlenker-2004},.
FID matrix: "She walked to the window" (past, narrated event at -3).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.fidWalked = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
FID continuation: "The garden was beautiful." Perspective shifts to character's viewpoint (E_matrix = -3) even though there is no attitude verb.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.fidGardenBeautiful = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -3, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
Historical present: present tense morphology with past temporal reference.
"Napoleon enters the room. He sees the generals."
The present tense "enters" does not locate the event at speech time.
It refers to a past event but uses present morphology for vividness.
This is problematic for theories where present tense = R = S:
the constraint is violated, yet the sentence is felicitous.
@cite{wolfson-1979}, @cite{schiffrin-1981}.
Historical present: "Napoleon enters the room." Present morphology (R = P) but the event is in the past. Speech time S = 0, but the narrated event is at -200 (schematic).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.historicalPresent = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -200, referenceTime := -200, eventTime := -200 }
Instances For
Historical present is "present" relative to narrative perspective.
The pluperfect (past perfect) disambiguates past-under-past:
"John said Mary had been sick."
Unlike simple past-under-past ("John said Mary was sick"), the
pluperfect ONLY has the shifted reading. There is no simultaneous
reading — "had been" forces the sickness to precede the saying.
This is a useful test case because it disambiguates between
theories' predictions about what triggers the simultaneous reading.
@cite{comrie-1985}, @cite{ogihara-1996} ch. 4.
Pluperfect under past: "John said Mary had been sick." Only the shifted reading: sickness before saying. The pluperfect adds an additional layer of temporal precedence: E < R (perfect aspect) + R < P (past tense).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.pluperfectShifted = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -4, eventTime := -5 }
Instances For
The pluperfect frame has the perfect configuration: E < R.
The pluperfect frame is past relative to embedded P: R < P.
Verbs like want, plan, hope orient their complement toward the future without standard SOT:
"John wanted to leave."
The leaving is AFTER the wanting, but there is no future tense
morphology. The futurity comes from the verb's lexical semantics,
not from tense. @cite{wurmbrand-2014}: the temporal orientation is
part of the verb's selection, not tense composition.
"John planned to leave" — the leaving is strictly after the planning.
"John hoped to win" — the winning is after the hoping.
These complements behave differently from standard SOT because the
embedded temporal location is lexically determined, not computed
from tense morphology.
Future-oriented complement: "John wanted to leave." The wanting is past; the (desired) leaving is after the wanting. No tense morphology on the infinitival complement.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.wantedToLeave = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -1 }
Instances For
Future-oriented: event time after reference time.
Temporal adjunct clauses have their own tense interpretation that doesn't follow the attitude-embedding pattern:
"Before John left, Mary was happy."
"After John arrived, Mary smiled."
The tense in the adjunct ("left", "arrived") locates an event
relative to the matrix event, but NOT via the perspective-shift
mechanism used for attitude complements. The adjunct tense is
more like an independent temporal reference anchored by the
temporal connective (*before*, *after*).
@cite{arregui-kusumoto-1998}, @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012}.
Adjunct clause: "Before John left, Mary was happy." John's leaving is before Mary's happiness. Both are past relative to S, but their relative ordering comes from "before", not from tense composition.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.adjunctBeforeLeft = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
Matrix with adjunct: "Mary was happy (before John left)."
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.matrixWasHappy = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
The adjunct event precedes the matrix event (from "before").
In some languages, tense can shift under attitude verbs in ways that parallel the shift of indexical pronouns.
**Amharic**: the present tense in an attitude
complement can be interpreted relative to the attitude holder's
"now" rather than the speaker's speech time.
**Zazaki**: similar indexical shift for tense
under reportative evidentials.
This directly bears on the @cite{partee-1973} analogy between tenses
and pronouns: if both can undergo indexical shift in the same
environments, the structural parallel runs deeper than English
data alone suggests.
In English, indexical shift of tense is debated (but see the
double-access reading as a partial parallel). In shifting languages,
the embedded present tense receives the attitude holder's time,
not the speaker's speech time.
Indexical-shift present under past (Amharic-type): "Abebe said Mary IS-sick" where the present tense is interpreted at Abebe's saying time, not at speech time.
Compare with English double-access embeddedSickPresent where
present under past requires truth at BOTH speech time and matrix E.
In Amharic, there is no double-access requirement — the present
is simply evaluated at the attitude holder's time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.indexicalShiftPresent = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Indexical shift: event time ≠ speech time (unlike English present). The key difference from English double-access: no requirement that E = S. The shifted present locates the event at the attitude holder's time exclusively.
The embedded present puzzle: present tense under a future matrix verb gets a simultaneous reading with the FUTURE saying time, not with speech time.
"John will say Mary is sick" → Mary is sick at the (future) saying
time, not necessarily at speech time.
This is puzzling for theories where present = R = S: the present
tense should force the event to be at speech time, yet the reading
locates it at the future saying time. Sharvit: the "present" is
a simultaneous tense evaluated at the future saying time.
Matrix frame for "John will say..." (future tense). Speech time S = 0, saying event at t = 3 (future).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.matrixWillSay = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 3, eventTime := 3 }
Instances For
Embedded frame for "Mary is sick" under future — simultaneous. The sickness is at the future saying time (= matrix E = 3), not at speech time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.embeddedPresentUnderFuture = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 3, referenceTime := 3, eventTime := 3 }
Instances For
Lifetime effects (@cite{musan-1995}/1997): past tense with individual-level predicates implicates that the subject no longer exists.
"Aristotle was a philosopher" → Aristotle is dead.
"Aristotle was blond" → Aristotle is dead (or no longer blond).
But: "Aristotle was a philosopher" does NOT merely mean that his
philosophizing ended — it implicates his death. This is the
"lifetime effect": past tense + individual-level predicate →
subject's lifetime has ended.
This bears on tense theory because it shows that past tense
interacts with predicate type (individual-level vs stage-level)
in ways that go beyond simple temporal precedence.
Lifetime effect frame: "Aristotle was a philosopher." The past tense locates the philosophical property in the past. The lifetime effect (Aristotle is dead) is an implicature, not part of the Reichenbach frame.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.lifetimeAristotle = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2400, eventTime := -2400 }
Instances For
Fake past: past morphology with non-past semantics in subjunctive/counterfactual contexts.
"If John were taller, he would play basketball."
The "were" is morphologically past but does not locate the event
before speech time. Rather, it expresses counterfactual distance or modal remoteness.
This differs from Deal's `counterfactualTense` in specificity:
fake past is the broader phenomenon (Iatridou's cross-linguistic
generalization), while Deal's treatment focuses on ULC refinement
for counterfactuals.
Fake past frame: "If John were taller..." Past morphology ("were") but present-time reference. The temporal coordinates are present; the "pastness" is modal distance, not temporal.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.fakePastSubjunctive = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
Optional SOT in Hebrew-type languages.
In English, SOT is obligatory: "John said Mary was sick" is the
only form for the simultaneous reading. In Hebrew, both forms
are grammatical:
"John said Mary was sick" → simultaneous reading (simultaneous tense)
"John said Mary is sick" → simultaneous reading (present tense)
Both forms are available with slightly different pragmatic profiles.
The past-form version uses Sharvit's simultaneous tense; the
present-form version uses genuine present tense.
Hebrew-type SOT with past form (simultaneous tense): "John said Mary was sick" → simultaneous reading. Same frame as English embeddedSickSimultaneous.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.optionalSOTPastForm = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Hebrew-type SOT with present form: "John said Mary is sick" → also simultaneous, but via present tense. The present tense directly locates the event at the attitude time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.optionalSOTPresentForm = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -2, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
@cite{wurmbrand-2014} classifies infinitival tense into three types:
1. **Future irrealis** (decide, want): no independent tense;
future orientation comes from woll.
"John decided to leave" → leaving after deciding.
2. **Propositional** (believe, claim): NOW-anchored tense.
"John believes Mary to be sick" → simultaneous with believing.
3. **Restructuring** (try, begin): dependent on matrix tense.
"John tried to leave" → leaving in the same temporal domain.
This is relevant because it shows that the "tenselessness" of
infinitives is not uniform — different complement types have
different temporal behavior.
Future-irrealis complement: "John decided to leave." The deciding is past; the leaving is after the deciding. No tense morphology on "to leave."
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.decidedToLeave = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -1 }
Instances For
Propositional complement: "John believes Mary to be sick." The believing is present; the sickness is simultaneous.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.believesToBeSick = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
Restructuring complement: "John tried to leave." The trying and the leaving are in the same temporal domain.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.triedToLeave = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
The matrix "said" is past: R < P.
The matrix frame is a root clause: P = S.
Simultaneous reading: embedded R = matrix E.
Shifted reading: embedded R < matrix E.
Simultaneous: sick-time = say-time.
Shifted: sick-time < say-time.
Japanese: embedded P = S (absolute, not shifted to matrix E).
English simultaneous: embedded P = matrix E (perspective shifted).
English shifted: embedded P = matrix E (perspective shifted).
Forward-shifted: R' > matrix E (theory-neutral temporal fact).
Double access reading: present-under-past requires overlap with speech time.
Future-under-past: embedded R > matrix E.
Counterfactual: past morphology but R = P (present reference).
Temporal de re: R < P (past reference relative to belief time).
RC tense: past reference.
Modal past: past reference relative to modal eval time.
Indirect question: simultaneous frame has R = P.
Indirect question: shifted frame has R < P.
FID: perspective shifts without attitude verb.
FID garden: R = P (simultaneous with character's experience).
Historical present: present morphology despite past event.
Historical present: event time ≠ speech time.
Pluperfect: E < R < P (both perfect and past).
Adjunct "before": adjunct event precedes matrix event.
Indexical shift: present tense at attitude time, not speech time.
Embedded present puzzle: present under future has R = P (simultaneous).
Embedded present puzzle: event NOT at speech time.
Embedded present puzzle: matrix is future.
Lifetime effects: past reference.
Fake past: past morphology but R = P (present reference).
Optional SOT: both forms give R = P.
Optional SOT: both forms have the same temporal structure.
Future-irrealis complement: event after reference (future-oriented).
Propositional complement: event at reference (simultaneous).
Restructuring complement: event at reference (same domain).
Two ways successive clauses relate temporally:
**Temporal subordination**: "He left and would never come back."
The conditional (`would`) is a *relative* tense expressing
posteriority within the past domain established by `left`.
**Domain shift**: "He left and never came back."
Both clauses use *absolute* preterits establishing independent
domains. Temporal ordering is recovered pragmatically, not
structurally.
@cite{declerck-1991} ch. 2 §12–14.
"He left..." — past domain anchor (subordination pair). Speech time S = 0, leaving event at t = -5.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.domainSubordLeft = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -5, eventTime := -5 }
Instances For
"... and would never come back" — relative tense within the
past domain established by left. The would expresses
posteriority relative to the leaving, not to speech time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.domainSubordWouldReturn = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := -5, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
"He left..." — independent past domain (shift pair).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.domainShiftLeft = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -5, eventTime := -5 }
Instances For
"... and never came back" — independent past domain. Both clauses are absolute preterits; no structural temporal relation between them.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.domainShiftCameBack = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
Both left frames are past (R < P).
Subordination: wouldReturn is posterior within the domain
established by left (R > P' where P' = left's E).
Shift: both frames independently satisfy PAST relative to their own P. The shift pair has P = S for both clauses (absolute perspective).
Subordination: wouldReturn has shifted perspective (P ≠ S).
Past morphology with present-time reference for pragmatic effects:
"I wanted to ask you something." — past morphology, present request
"Could you help me?" — past modal, present request
Distinct from §20 (fake past / counterfactual): false tense is *not*
counterfactual — the speaker is genuinely asking now. Declerck
analyzes this as a shift of temporal perspective from present to past,
exploiting the metaphor between temporal remoteness and social distance.
@cite{declerck-1991} ch. 2 §20–21.
"I wanted to ask you something." — false past. Past morphology ("wanted") but present-time reference: the wanting is happening now, not in the past.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.falsePastWanted = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
"Could you help me?" — false past modal. Past modal morphology ("could") but present-time request.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.falsePastCould = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
Both false-past frames have R = P (present reference).
False past and counterfactual produce identical Reichenbach frames. The difference is pragmatic (politeness vs counterfactuality), not temporal.
Standard conditionals use the Present Perspective System (PPS): present tense in if-clause for future reference. Non-standard types use the Future Perspective System (FPS): will/be going to in if-clause.
PPS: "If he comes, I will be happy."
FPS: "If he will go to China, we should publish now."
The FPS if-clause has explicit future morphology, reversing the
typical temporal anchoring: the if-clause is future and the
matrix clause is present.
@cite{declerck-1991} ch. 4 §2.
PPS if-clause: "If he comes..." — present morphology, future pragmatic reference. R = P (present tense form).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.ppsIfComes = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 3 }
Instances For
PPS matrix: "... I will be happy." — future tense.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.ppsWillBeHappy = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 3, eventTime := 3 }
Instances For
FPS if-clause: "If he will go to China..." — future in the if-clause (non-standard).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.fpsIfWillGo = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 5, eventTime := 5 }
Instances For
FPS matrix: "... we should publish now." — present tense.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.fpsShouldPublish = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := 0 }
Instances For
PPS if-clause: present morphology (R = P).
FPS if-clause: future morphology (R > P).
PPS matrix is future; FPS matrix is present — reversed anchoring.
PPS: if-clause event is in the future despite present morphology.
Temporal connectives (before/after/when) involve an implicit TO distinct from the situation-TOs of either clause:
"Bill will have left when John arrives."
The present tense in the when-clause expresses simultaneity with
an implicit TO (= TO₂ of the future perfect), not with Bill's leaving.
"John had left before we arrived."
The preterit `arrived` expresses simultaneity with an implicit TO
that is posterior to John's leaving.
@cite{declerck-1991} ch. 2 §24–25.
"Bill will have left..." — future perfect. E < R (perfect: leaving before reference) and R > P (future).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.futPerfLeft = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 5, eventTime := 3 }
Instances For
"... when John arrives." — when-clause present tense. R = P' where P' is the implicit TO (= futPerfLeft.R). The present tense is relative to the implicit TO, not speech time.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.whenArrives = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 5, referenceTime := 5, eventTime := 5 }
Instances For
"John had left..." — past perfect (before-clause pair). E < R (perfect) and R < P (past).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.hadLeftBefore = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -4 }
Instances For
"... before we arrived." — before-clause. The arrival is at the implicit TO, which is posterior to John's leaving.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.beforeArrived = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
Future perfect: leaving before arrival (E_left < E_arrives).
Future perfect frame has E < R (perfect aspect).
When-clause: present relative to implicit TO (R = P).
Before-clause: leaving before arrival (E_had_left < E_arrived).
Past perfect frame has E < R (perfect aspect).
Declerck's Principle of Unmarked Temporal Interpretation (PUTI):
- Bounded + bounded → iconic (sequential) ordering
- Unbounded + unbounded → simultaneity
- Mixed → temporal inclusion
These are pragmatic defaults, not semantic entailments.
@cite{declerck-1991} ch. 3 §1.2.
A Reichenbach frame paired with its aspectual boundedness.
- frame : Core.Reichenbach.ReichenbachFrame ℤ
- boundedness : Core.Time.SituationBoundedness
Instances For
"He arrived." — bounded (achievement).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.arrivedBounded = { frame := { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -5, eventTime := -5 }, boundedness := Core.Time.SituationBoundedness.bounded }
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"He sat down." — bounded (achievement), after arrival.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.satDownBounded = { frame := { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -4, eventTime := -4 }, boundedness := Core.Time.SituationBoundedness.bounded }
Instances For
"It was raining." — unbounded (activity/state).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.rainingUnbounded = { frame := { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }, boundedness := Core.Time.SituationBoundedness.unbounded }
Instances For
"The wind was blowing." — unbounded (activity), simultaneous with rain.
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"He was reading." — unbounded (activity).
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.readingUnbounded = { frame := { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }, boundedness := Core.Time.SituationBoundedness.unbounded }
Instances For
"The phone rang." — bounded (achievement), included in reading interval.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.phoneRangBounded = { frame := { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }, boundedness := Core.Time.SituationBoundedness.bounded }
Instances For
Sequential (bounded + bounded): arrival before sitting (iconic ordering).
Simultaneous (unbounded + unbounded): rain and wind at the same time.
Inclusion (mixed): phone ringing within reading interval.
Both bounded frames are bounded.
Both unbounded frames are unbounded.
Mixed: one unbounded, one bounded.
Declerck's distinctive claim: the present perfect and preterit differ not in definiteness or current relevance but in time-sphere membership. Both can refer to the same objective event; what differs is the speaker's conceptualization.
"I have visited Paris." (pre-present sector: E ≤ R ≤ P,
situation anchored to present time-sphere)
"I visited Paris." (past time-sphere: E = R < P,
situation detached from present)
@cite{declerck-1991} ch. 7 §1,3; @cite{declerck-2006}.
"I have visited Paris." — present perfect. Pre-present sector: E < R and R = P (present time-sphere). The event is past but the reference frame is present.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.perfectVisitedParis = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := 0, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
"I visited Paris." — simple preterit. Past time-sphere: E = R < P. Same objective event time as the perfect, but the reference frame is past.
Equations
- Phenomena.TenseAspect.preteritVisitedParis = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -3, eventTime := -3 }
Instances For
Both frames locate the event before speech time.
Same event time — the difference is structural, not temporal.
Present perfect: E < R (perfect aspect, pre-present).
Present perfect: R = P (present orientation).
Preterit: R < P (past orientation).
Preterit is perfective (E = R).
@cite{heim-kratzer-1998} predicts that the distribution of deictic vs anaphoric past tense varies cross-linguistically because surface "past" can decompose differently:
English simple past = PRESENT + PERFECT (@cite{heim-kratzer-1998} §4). The tense head is PRESENT (indexical), so it can be used deictically.
German Preterit = genuine PAST pronoun (@cite{heim-kratzer-1998} §5). The tense head is PAST (anaphoric), requiring a discourse antecedent.
The empirical contrast: English: "I didn't turn off the stove." ✓ (out of the blue) German: #"Ich schaltete den Herd nicht aus." ✗ (out of the blue) German: "Ich habe den Herd nicht ausgeschaltet." ✓ (present perfect)
This data is tested against the theory in Studies/HeimKratzer1998.lean §29.
Whether a surface past tense form can be used deictically (without a discourse-established temporal antecedent).
- language : String
Language
- surfaceForm : String
Surface morphological form
- sentence : String
Example sentence
- outOfTheBlue : Bool
Can this form be used "out of the blue"?
- underlyingMode : Core.ReferentialMode.ReferentialMode
The underlying referential mode (indexical = deictic-compatible, anaphoric = requires antecedent)
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- Phenomena.TenseAspect.instBEqTenseDeicticDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
Instances For
English simple past: CAN be used out of the blue.
Equations
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German Preterit: CANNOT be used out of the blue.
Equations
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German Perfekt: CAN be used out of the blue (present tense head).
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The cross-linguistic deictic data set.
Equations
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Deictic compatibility tracks indexical mode.