Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.TenseAspect.Data

Tense Phenomena: Empirical Data #

@cite{abusch-1997} @cite{anand-nevins-2004} @cite{banfield-1982} @cite{comrie-1985} @cite{deal-2020} @cite{declerck-1991} @cite{declerck-2006} @cite{heim-kratzer-1998} @cite{iatridou-2000} @cite{klecha-2016} @cite{kratzer-1998} @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012} @cite{schlenker-2004} @cite{sharvit-2003} @cite{von-stechow-2009} @cite{wurmbrand-2014} @cite{condoravdi-2002} @cite{schlenker-2003}

Unified entry point for tense phenomena. Absorbs the former Phenomena/SequenceOfTense/Data.lean and extends coverage to 10+ temporal phenomena that distinguish tense theories.

Theory-neutral empirical data only — no theoretical commitments. Bridge theorems connecting this data to specific tense theories are in Studies/HeimKratzer1998.lean.

Phenomena Covered #

Baseline (§0) #

  1. Root-clause simple tenses: past, present, future

Core comparison set (10 + 1 debate) #

  1. Past-under-past: "John said Mary was sick" (shifted + simultaneous)
  2. Present-under-past: "John said Mary is sick" (double access)
  3. Future-under-past: "John said Mary would leave"
  4. SOT vs non-SOT: English vs Japanese
  5. Upper Limit Constraint: no forward-shifted readings
  6. Relative clause tense: "the man who was tall"
  7. Modal-tense interaction: "John might have left"
  8. Counterfactual tense: "If John were here..."
  9. Temporal de re: "John believed it was raining"
  10. Deletion vs ambiguity: same surface, different mechanisms

Eventual targets (7) #

  1. SOT in indirect questions: "John asked who was sick"
  2. Free indirect discourse: perspective shift without attitude verb
  3. Historical/narrative present: "Napoleon enters the room"
  4. Perfect tense interactions: "John said Mary had been sick"
  5. Future-oriented complements: "John wanted to leave"
  6. Tense in adjunct clauses: "Before John left, Mary was happy"
  7. Indexical tense shift: Amharic/Zazaki tense under attitudes

Extended phenomena (5) — Sharvit, Zeijlstra, Wurmbrand #

  1. Embedded present puzzle: "John will say Mary is sick"
  2. Lifetime effects: "Aristotle was a philosopher"
  3. Fake past: "If John were taller..."
  4. Optional SOT (Hebrew-type)
  5. Dependent vs independent tense

Discourse-level phenomena (6) — @cite{declerck-1991}/2006 #

  1. Temporal domain shift vs subordination
  2. False tense: politeness and tentativeness
  3. PPS vs FPS in conditionals
  4. Temporal conjunctions with implicit TOs
  5. Bounded/unbounded default interpretation (PUTI)
  6. Present perfect vs preterit: time-sphere distinction

The most elementary tense phenomena: root-clause sentences with simple past, present, and future tense. These are the baseline against which all embedded and discourse-level phenomena are measured.

"John left." — simple past
"It rains." — simple present
"John will leave." — simple future

All three are root clauses (P = S), perfective aspect (E = R),
and satisfy exactly one of PAST / PRESENT / FUTURE. 

"John left." — simple past root clause. S = P = 0 (root: perspective = speech time). R = E = -2 (past: reference before perspective, perfective: E = R).

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    "It rains." — simple present root clause. S = P = R = E = 0 (present: reference at perspective, perfective).

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      "John will leave." — simple future root clause. S = P = 0, R = E = 3 (future: reference after perspective).

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        Two readings of "John said that Mary was sick": - SIMULTANEOUS: Mary's being sick overlaps with John's saying - SHIFTED: Mary's being sick precedes John's saying

        Matrix frame for "John said..." (past tense, perfective). Speech time S = 0, saying event at t = -2.

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          Embedded frame for "Mary was sick" — SIMULTANEOUS reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = E_matrix = -2. Mary is sick at the time of the saying.

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            Embedded frame for "Mary was sick" — SHIFTED reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = -5 < E_matrix. Mary was sick before the saying.

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              Embedded frame for "Mary is sick" — PRESENT under PAST. Double-access reading: Mary is sick now (at speech time) AND the sickness is relevant at the time of saying.

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                Embedded frame for "Mary would leave" — FUTURE under PAST. "Would" = PAST + FUTURE: the leaving is after the saying but before or at speech time.

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                  Japanese matrix frame: "Taroo-ga... to itta" (Taro said...). Same temporal structure as English matrix.

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                    Japanese embedded: "Mary-ga byooki-datta" (Mary was sick) — absolute past. In non-SOT Japanese, embedded past is absolute (relative to S, not E). Only the shifted reading: sick-time < say-time.

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                      Hypothetical forward-shifted frame (for gap demonstration). If past-under-past allowed forward shift, R' > E_matrix. This frame is PREDICTED NOT TO EXIST as a reading.

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                        Relative clause frame: "the man who was tall" Perspective time = time of the described event (not matrix E). The past tense in the RC is checked against the RC's own perspective time, not the matrix tense.

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                          Relative clause under past matrix: "John met the man who was tall" Here the RC tense could be relative to matrix E or to S — this is the Sharvit challenge to Abusch.

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                            Modal-past frame: "John might have left" The past tense "have left" is under the modal "might". The leaving is past relative to... what? Speech time? Modal eval time? @cite{klecha-2016}: relative to the modal's evaluation time.

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                              Counterfactual frame: "If John were here..." Past morphology ("were") but present-time reference. The "pastness" is modal distance, not temporal precedence.

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                                Temporal de re frame: "John believed it was raining" The rain event is located at a time determined in the actual world (de re), not in John's belief worlds (de dicto).

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                                  The simultaneous reading of "John said Mary was sick" arises from the same surface form regardless of mechanism. The debate is about the underlying representation: - Kratzer: deletion removes embedded past → R' = E_matrix - Ogihara: zero tense reading of past → R' = E_matrix Both produce embeddedSickSimultaneous — same Reichenbach frame. The disagreement is about the derivation, not the result.

                                  Indirect questions show SOT effects: "John asked who was sick" has both a simultaneous reading (who is sick at the asking time?) and a shifted reading (who was sick before the asking?).

                                  The question embedding adds a layer: the embedded wh-clause's
                                  tense interacts with both the question semantics and the matrix
                                  tense. @cite{sharvit-2003} and @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012} argue this
                                  is not a simple extension of declarative SOT. 
                                  

                                  Matrix frame for "John asked..." (past tense, perfective).

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                                    Embedded frame for "who was sick" — simultaneous with asking. The question is about sickness at the asking time.

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                                      Embedded frame for "who was sick" — shifted before asking. The question is about sickness before the asking time.

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                                        Free indirect discourse (FID) exhibits perspective shift in tense without an overt attitude verb:

                                        "She walked to the window. The garden was/*is beautiful."
                                        
                                        The past tense in the second sentence is evaluated from the
                                        character's perspective time, not the narrator's. This challenges
                                        theories that derive perspective shift from attitude verb semantics
                                        (Abusch, Von Stechow, Kratzer, Ogihara) — there is no attitude verb
                                        to trigger the shift.
                                        
                                        @cite{banfield-1982}, @cite{schlenker-2004},. 
                                        

                                        FID matrix: "She walked to the window" (past, narrated event at -3).

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                                          FID continuation: "The garden was beautiful." Perspective shifts to character's viewpoint (E_matrix = -3) even though there is no attitude verb.

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                                            Historical present: present tense morphology with past temporal reference.

                                            "Napoleon enters the room. He sees the generals."
                                            
                                            The present tense "enters" does not locate the event at speech time.
                                            It refers to a past event but uses present morphology for vividness.
                                            This is problematic for theories where present tense = R = S:
                                            the constraint is violated, yet the sentence is felicitous.
                                            
                                            @cite{wolfson-1979}, @cite{schiffrin-1981}. 
                                            

                                            Historical present: "Napoleon enters the room." Present morphology (R = P) but the event is in the past. Speech time S = 0, but the narrated event is at -200 (schematic).

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                                              Historical present is "present" relative to narrative perspective.

                                              The pluperfect (past perfect) disambiguates past-under-past:

                                              "John said Mary had been sick."
                                              
                                              Unlike simple past-under-past ("John said Mary was sick"), the
                                              pluperfect ONLY has the shifted reading. There is no simultaneous
                                              reading — "had been" forces the sickness to precede the saying.
                                              This is a useful test case because it disambiguates between
                                              theories' predictions about what triggers the simultaneous reading.
                                              
                                              @cite{comrie-1985}, @cite{ogihara-1996} ch. 4. 
                                              

                                              Pluperfect under past: "John said Mary had been sick." Only the shifted reading: sickness before saying. The pluperfect adds an additional layer of temporal precedence: E < R (perfect aspect) + R < P (past tense).

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                                                The pluperfect frame has the perfect configuration: E < R.

                                                The pluperfect frame is past relative to embedded P: R < P.

                                                Verbs like want, plan, hope orient their complement toward the future without standard SOT:

                                                "John wanted to leave."
                                                
                                                The leaving is AFTER the wanting, but there is no future tense
                                                morphology. The futurity comes from the verb's lexical semantics,
                                                not from tense. @cite{wurmbrand-2014}: the temporal orientation is
                                                part of the verb's selection, not tense composition.
                                                
                                                "John planned to leave" — the leaving is strictly after the planning.
                                                "John hoped to win" — the winning is after the hoping.
                                                
                                                These complements behave differently from standard SOT because the
                                                embedded temporal location is lexically determined, not computed
                                                from tense morphology. 
                                                

                                                Future-oriented complement: "John wanted to leave." The wanting is past; the (desired) leaving is after the wanting. No tense morphology on the infinitival complement.

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                                                  Temporal adjunct clauses have their own tense interpretation that doesn't follow the attitude-embedding pattern:

                                                  "Before John left, Mary was happy."
                                                  "After John arrived, Mary smiled."
                                                  
                                                  The tense in the adjunct ("left", "arrived") locates an event
                                                  relative to the matrix event, but NOT via the perspective-shift
                                                  mechanism used for attitude complements. The adjunct tense is
                                                  more like an independent temporal reference anchored by the
                                                  temporal connective (*before*, *after*).
                                                  
                                                  @cite{arregui-kusumoto-1998}, @cite{ogihara-sharvit-2012}. 
                                                  

                                                  Adjunct clause: "Before John left, Mary was happy." John's leaving is before Mary's happiness. Both are past relative to S, but their relative ordering comes from "before", not from tense composition.

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                                                    Matrix with adjunct: "Mary was happy (before John left)."

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                                                      The adjunct event precedes the matrix event (from "before").

                                                      In some languages, tense can shift under attitude verbs in ways that parallel the shift of indexical pronouns.

                                                      **Amharic**: the present tense in an attitude
                                                      complement can be interpreted relative to the attitude holder's
                                                      "now" rather than the speaker's speech time.
                                                      
                                                      **Zazaki**: similar indexical shift for tense
                                                      under reportative evidentials.
                                                      
                                                      This directly bears on the @cite{partee-1973} analogy between tenses
                                                      and pronouns: if both can undergo indexical shift in the same
                                                      environments, the structural parallel runs deeper than English
                                                      data alone suggests.
                                                      
                                                      In English, indexical shift of tense is debated (but see the
                                                      double-access reading as a partial parallel). In shifting languages,
                                                      the embedded present tense receives the attitude holder's time,
                                                      not the speaker's speech time. 
                                                      

                                                      Indexical-shift present under past (Amharic-type): "Abebe said Mary IS-sick" where the present tense is interpreted at Abebe's saying time, not at speech time.

                                                      Compare with English double-access embeddedSickPresent where present under past requires truth at BOTH speech time and matrix E. In Amharic, there is no double-access requirement — the present is simply evaluated at the attitude holder's time.

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                                                        Indexical shift: event time ≠ speech time (unlike English present). The key difference from English double-access: no requirement that E = S. The shifted present locates the event at the attitude holder's time exclusively.

                                                        The embedded present puzzle: present tense under a future matrix verb gets a simultaneous reading with the FUTURE saying time, not with speech time.

                                                        "John will say Mary is sick" → Mary is sick at the (future) saying
                                                        time, not necessarily at speech time.
                                                        
                                                        This is puzzling for theories where present = R = S: the present
                                                        tense should force the event to be at speech time, yet the reading
                                                        locates it at the future saying time. Sharvit: the "present" is
                                                        a simultaneous tense evaluated at the future saying time. 
                                                        

                                                        Matrix frame for "John will say..." (future tense). Speech time S = 0, saying event at t = 3 (future).

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                                                          Embedded frame for "Mary is sick" under future — simultaneous. The sickness is at the future saying time (= matrix E = 3), not at speech time.

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                                                            Lifetime effects (@cite{musan-1995}/1997): past tense with individual-level predicates implicates that the subject no longer exists.

                                                            "Aristotle was a philosopher" → Aristotle is dead.
                                                            "Aristotle was blond" → Aristotle is dead (or no longer blond).
                                                            
                                                            But: "Aristotle was a philosopher" does NOT merely mean that his
                                                            philosophizing ended — it implicates his death. This is the
                                                            "lifetime effect": past tense + individual-level predicate →
                                                            subject's lifetime has ended.
                                                            
                                                            This bears on tense theory because it shows that past tense
                                                            interacts with predicate type (individual-level vs stage-level)
                                                            in ways that go beyond simple temporal precedence. 
                                                            

                                                            Lifetime effect frame: "Aristotle was a philosopher." The past tense locates the philosophical property in the past. The lifetime effect (Aristotle is dead) is an implicature, not part of the Reichenbach frame.

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                                                              Fake past: past morphology with non-past semantics in subjunctive/counterfactual contexts.

                                                              "If John were taller, he would play basketball."
                                                              
                                                              The "were" is morphologically past but does not locate the event
                                                              before speech time. Rather, it expresses counterfactual distance or modal remoteness.
                                                              
                                                              This differs from Deal's `counterfactualTense` in specificity:
                                                              fake past is the broader phenomenon (Iatridou's cross-linguistic
                                                              generalization), while Deal's treatment focuses on ULC refinement
                                                              for counterfactuals. 
                                                              

                                                              Fake past frame: "If John were taller..." Past morphology ("were") but present-time reference. The temporal coordinates are present; the "pastness" is modal distance, not temporal.

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                                                                Optional SOT in Hebrew-type languages.

                                                                In English, SOT is obligatory: "John said Mary was sick" is the
                                                                only form for the simultaneous reading. In Hebrew, both forms
                                                                are grammatical:
                                                                
                                                                "John said Mary was sick" → simultaneous reading (simultaneous tense)
                                                                "John said Mary is sick" → simultaneous reading (present tense)
                                                                
                                                                Both forms are available with slightly different pragmatic profiles.
                                                                The past-form version uses Sharvit's simultaneous tense; the
                                                                present-form version uses genuine present tense. 
                                                                

                                                                Hebrew-type SOT with past form (simultaneous tense): "John said Mary was sick" → simultaneous reading. Same frame as English embeddedSickSimultaneous.

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                                                                  Hebrew-type SOT with present form: "John said Mary is sick" → also simultaneous, but via present tense. The present tense directly locates the event at the attitude time.

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                                                                    @cite{wurmbrand-2014} classifies infinitival tense into three types:

                                                                    1. **Future irrealis** (decide, want): no independent tense;
                                                                       future orientation comes from woll.
                                                                       "John decided to leave" → leaving after deciding.
                                                                    
                                                                    2. **Propositional** (believe, claim): NOW-anchored tense.
                                                                       "John believes Mary to be sick" → simultaneous with believing.
                                                                    
                                                                    3. **Restructuring** (try, begin): dependent on matrix tense.
                                                                       "John tried to leave" → leaving in the same temporal domain.
                                                                    
                                                                    This is relevant because it shows that the "tenselessness" of
                                                                    infinitives is not uniform — different complement types have
                                                                    different temporal behavior. 
                                                                    

                                                                    Future-irrealis complement: "John decided to leave." The deciding is past; the leaving is after the deciding. No tense morphology on "to leave."

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                                                                      Propositional complement: "John believes Mary to be sick." The believing is present; the sickness is simultaneous.

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                                                                        Restructuring complement: "John tried to leave." The trying and the leaving are in the same temporal domain.

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                                                                          Double access reading: present-under-past requires overlap with speech time.

                                                                          Temporal de re: R < P (past reference relative to belief time).

                                                                          Modal past: past reference relative to modal eval time.

                                                                          Indirect question: simultaneous frame has R = P.

                                                                          FID garden: R = P (simultaneous with character's experience).

                                                                          Adjunct "before": adjunct event precedes matrix event.

                                                                          Embedded present puzzle: present under future has R = P (simultaneous).

                                                                          Optional SOT: both forms have the same temporal structure.

                                                                          Future-irrealis complement: event after reference (future-oriented).

                                                                          Restructuring complement: event at reference (same domain).

                                                                          Two ways successive clauses relate temporally:

                                                                          **Temporal subordination**: "He left and would never come back."
                                                                          The conditional (`would`) is a *relative* tense expressing
                                                                          posteriority within the past domain established by `left`.
                                                                          
                                                                          **Domain shift**: "He left and never came back."
                                                                          Both clauses use *absolute* preterits establishing independent
                                                                          domains. Temporal ordering is recovered pragmatically, not
                                                                          structurally.
                                                                          
                                                                          @cite{declerck-1991} ch. 2 §12–14. 
                                                                          

                                                                          "He left..." — past domain anchor (subordination pair). Speech time S = 0, leaving event at t = -5.

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                                                                            "... and would never come back" — relative tense within the past domain established by left. The would expresses posteriority relative to the leaving, not to speech time.

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                                                                              "He left..." — independent past domain (shift pair).

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                                                                                "... and never came back" — independent past domain. Both clauses are absolute preterits; no structural temporal relation between them.

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                                                                                  Subordination: wouldReturn is posterior within the domain established by left (R > P' where P' = left's E).

                                                                                  Shift: both frames independently satisfy PAST relative to their own P. The shift pair has P = S for both clauses (absolute perspective).

                                                                                  Past morphology with present-time reference for pragmatic effects:

                                                                                  "I wanted to ask you something." — past morphology, present request
                                                                                  "Could you help me?" — past modal, present request
                                                                                  
                                                                                  Distinct from §20 (fake past / counterfactual): false tense is *not*
                                                                                  counterfactual — the speaker is genuinely asking now. Declerck
                                                                                  analyzes this as a shift of temporal perspective from present to past,
                                                                                  exploiting the metaphor between temporal remoteness and social distance.
                                                                                  
                                                                                  @cite{declerck-1991} ch. 2 §20–21. 
                                                                                  

                                                                                  "I wanted to ask you something." — false past. Past morphology ("wanted") but present-time reference: the wanting is happening now, not in the past.

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                                                                                    "Could you help me?" — false past modal. Past modal morphology ("could") but present-time request.

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                                                                                      False past and counterfactual produce identical Reichenbach frames. The difference is pragmatic (politeness vs counterfactuality), not temporal.

                                                                                      Standard conditionals use the Present Perspective System (PPS): present tense in if-clause for future reference. Non-standard types use the Future Perspective System (FPS): will/be going to in if-clause.

                                                                                      PPS: "If he comes, I will be happy."
                                                                                      FPS: "If he will go to China, we should publish now."
                                                                                      
                                                                                      The FPS if-clause has explicit future morphology, reversing the
                                                                                      typical temporal anchoring: the if-clause is future and the
                                                                                      matrix clause is present.
                                                                                      
                                                                                      @cite{declerck-1991} ch. 4 §2. 
                                                                                      

                                                                                      PPS if-clause: "If he comes..." — present morphology, future pragmatic reference. R = P (present tense form).

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                                                                                        PPS matrix: "... I will be happy." — future tense.

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                                                                                          FPS if-clause: "If he will go to China..." — future in the if-clause (non-standard).

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                                                                                            FPS matrix: "... we should publish now." — present tense.

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                                                                                              PPS: if-clause event is in the future despite present morphology.

                                                                                              Temporal connectives (before/after/when) involve an implicit TO distinct from the situation-TOs of either clause:

                                                                                              "Bill will have left when John arrives."
                                                                                              The present tense in the when-clause expresses simultaneity with
                                                                                              an implicit TO (= TO₂ of the future perfect), not with Bill's leaving.
                                                                                              
                                                                                              "John had left before we arrived."
                                                                                              The preterit `arrived` expresses simultaneity with an implicit TO
                                                                                              that is posterior to John's leaving.
                                                                                              
                                                                                              @cite{declerck-1991} ch. 2 §24–25. 
                                                                                              

                                                                                              "Bill will have left..." — future perfect. E < R (perfect: leaving before reference) and R > P (future).

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                                                                                                "... when John arrives." — when-clause present tense. R = P' where P' is the implicit TO (= futPerfLeft.R). The present tense is relative to the implicit TO, not speech time.

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                                                                                                  "John had left..." — past perfect (before-clause pair). E < R (perfect) and R < P (past).

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                                                                                                    "... before we arrived." — before-clause. The arrival is at the implicit TO, which is posterior to John's leaving.

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                                                                                                      Future perfect: leaving before arrival (E_left < E_arrives).

                                                                                                      Future perfect frame has E < R (perfect aspect).

                                                                                                      When-clause: present relative to implicit TO (R = P).

                                                                                                      Before-clause: leaving before arrival (E_had_left < E_arrived).

                                                                                                      Past perfect frame has E < R (perfect aspect).

                                                                                                      Declerck's Principle of Unmarked Temporal Interpretation (PUTI):

                                                                                                      - Bounded + bounded → iconic (sequential) ordering
                                                                                                      - Unbounded + unbounded → simultaneity
                                                                                                      - Mixed → temporal inclusion
                                                                                                      
                                                                                                      These are pragmatic defaults, not semantic entailments.
                                                                                                      
                                                                                                      @cite{declerck-1991} ch. 3 §1.2. 
                                                                                                      

                                                                                                      A Reichenbach frame paired with its aspectual boundedness.

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                                                                                                        "He arrived." — bounded (achievement).

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                                                                                                          "He sat down." — bounded (achievement), after arrival.

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                                                                                                            "It was raining." — unbounded (activity/state).

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                                                                                                              "The wind was blowing." — unbounded (activity), simultaneous with rain.

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                                                                                                                "He was reading." — unbounded (activity).

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                                                                                                                  "The phone rang." — bounded (achievement), included in reading interval.

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                                                                                                                    Sequential (bounded + bounded): arrival before sitting (iconic ordering).

                                                                                                                    Simultaneous (unbounded + unbounded): rain and wind at the same time.

                                                                                                                    Inclusion (mixed): phone ringing within reading interval.

                                                                                                                    Declerck's distinctive claim: the present perfect and preterit differ not in definiteness or current relevance but in time-sphere membership. Both can refer to the same objective event; what differs is the speaker's conceptualization.

                                                                                                                    "I have visited Paris." (pre-present sector: E ≤ R ≤ P,
                                                                                                                      situation anchored to present time-sphere)
                                                                                                                    "I visited Paris." (past time-sphere: E = R < P,
                                                                                                                      situation detached from present)
                                                                                                                    
                                                                                                                    @cite{declerck-1991} ch. 7 §1,3; @cite{declerck-2006}. 
                                                                                                                    

                                                                                                                    "I have visited Paris." — present perfect. Pre-present sector: E < R and R = P (present time-sphere). The event is past but the reference frame is present.

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                                                                                                                      "I visited Paris." — simple preterit. Past time-sphere: E = R < P. Same objective event time as the perfect, but the reference frame is past.

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                                                                                                                        Present perfect: E < R (perfect aspect, pre-present).

                                                                                                                        Present perfect: R = P (present orientation).

                                                                                                                        Preterit: R < P (past orientation).

                                                                                                                        @cite{heim-kratzer-1998} predicts that the distribution of deictic vs anaphoric past tense varies cross-linguistically because surface "past" can decompose differently:

                                                                                                                        English simple past = PRESENT + PERFECT (@cite{heim-kratzer-1998} §4). The tense head is PRESENT (indexical), so it can be used deictically.

                                                                                                                        German Preterit = genuine PAST pronoun (@cite{heim-kratzer-1998} §5). The tense head is PAST (anaphoric), requiring a discourse antecedent.

                                                                                                                        The empirical contrast: English: "I didn't turn off the stove." ✓ (out of the blue) German: #"Ich schaltete den Herd nicht aus." ✗ (out of the blue) German: "Ich habe den Herd nicht ausgeschaltet." ✓ (present perfect)

                                                                                                                        This data is tested against the theory in Studies/HeimKratzer1998.lean §29.

                                                                                                                        Whether a surface past tense form can be used deictically (without a discourse-established temporal antecedent).

                                                                                                                        • language : String

                                                                                                                          Language

                                                                                                                        • surfaceForm : String

                                                                                                                          Surface morphological form

                                                                                                                        • sentence : String

                                                                                                                          Example sentence

                                                                                                                        • outOfTheBlue : Bool

                                                                                                                          Can this form be used "out of the blue"?

                                                                                                                        • The underlying referential mode (indexical = deictic-compatible, anaphoric = requires antecedent)

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                                                                                                                                English simple past: CAN be used out of the blue.

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                                                                                                                                  German Preterit: CANNOT be used out of the blue.

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                                                                                                                                    German Perfekt: CAN be used out of the blue (present tense head).

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