Aspect × Temporal Connective Interaction Data #
@cite{moens-steedman-1988} @cite{vendler-1957}
Theory-neutral empirical data on how temporal connectives interact with the @cite{heinamaki-1974} @cite{rett-2020} aspectual class (Vendler class) of their complement and main clauses.
Key Empirical Generalizations #
Selectional restrictions: until and since require durative (stative/activity) main clauses. When triggers coercion to punctual.
Coercion effects: When a connective's selectional requirements conflict with the clause's Vendler class, aspectual coercion occurs:
- when + accomplishment → culmination (achievement) reading
- when + activity → inception reading ("just when he was running")
- before/after + stative → inchoative (onset) extraction
- until + achievement → degraded / requires coercion to iterative
Telicity sensitivity: before and after have different default readings depending on embedded clause telicity:
- Telic embedded clause → endpoint reading is default
- Atelic embedded clause → onset reading requires coercion (INCHOAT)
Acceptability of a temporal connective with a given Vendler class, and what coercion (if any) the combination triggers.
- connective : String
The temporal connective
- vendlerClass : Semantics.Tense.Aspect.LexicalAspect.VendlerClass
Vendler class of the relevant clause
- clause : String
Whether this is about the main clause or the embedded clause
- acceptableWithout : Bool
Is the combination acceptable without coercion?
If coercion is needed, what kind?
- resultClass : Option Semantics.Tense.Aspect.LexicalAspect.VendlerClass
Resulting Vendler class after coercion (if any)
- example_ : String
Example sentence
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when + state → no coercion (state persists). "When John knew the answer, he raised his hand."
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when + activity → inception coercion. "When John ran, the crowd cheered" → "just when John started running." The activity is coerced to its onset point (achievement).
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when + accomplishment → culmination coercion. "When John built the house, he sold it" → "when John finished building." The accomplishment is coerced to its culmination point (achievement).
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when + achievement → no coercion needed (already punctual). "When John arrived, Mary left."
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until + stative main clause → acceptable (canonical use). "John slept until 3pm."
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until + activity main clause → acceptable. "John ran until 3pm."
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until + achievement main clause → degraded. "*John arrived until 3pm." Achievement is punctual; until requires duration. Coercion to iterative is possible but marked.
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until + accomplishment main clause → degraded. "*John built the house until 3pm." Accomplishment has an endpoint; until provides an external boundary, creating a conflict.
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before + stative embedded → default before-start reading. "John left before she was president." ME precedes onset of EE.
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before + accomplishment embedded → before-start is default; before-finish (COMPLET) reading is available with coercion cost. "John left before she climbed the mountain." Default: before onset. Coerced: before completion. (@cite{alstott-aravind-2026}, Exp. 2)
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after + stative embedded → default after-finish; after-start (INCHOAT) requires coercion. "John left after she was surprised." Default: after end of surprise. Coerced: after onset. (@cite{alstott-aravind-2026}, Exp. 4)
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after + accomplishment embedded → default after-finish. "John left after she climbed the mountain." ME follows telos.
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since + stative main clause → acceptable. "John has been happy since she arrived."
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since + achievement main clause → degraded. "*John found it since she arrived." Achievement is punctual; since requires an ongoing state from the reference point.
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Whether a VendlerClass satisfies the durative selectional restriction required by until and since for their main clauses.
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States satisfy the durative restriction.
Activities satisfy the durative restriction.
Achievements do NOT satisfy the durative restriction.
Accomplishments do NOT satisfy the durative restriction.
The durative selectional restriction coincides with homogeneity (the subinterval property): exactly states and activities pass.
A directed edge in Moens & Steedman's aspectual coercion network. Each edge represents a possible contextual coercion from one Vendler class to another, triggered by linguistic context.
Source Vendler class
Target Vendler class
- operation : String
Name of the coercion operation
- example_ : String
Example of the coercion in context
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Add-result: activity → accomplishment. "John walked" → "John walked to school."
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Strip-process: accomplishment → achievement. "John built the house" → culmination point (when he finished).
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Add-process: achievement → accomplishment. "John noticed the painting" → "John noticed the painting for hours."
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Iterate: achievement → activity. "John coughed" → "John coughed for hours" (iterated). In @cite{moens-steedman-1988} Fig. 2, the iteration arrow goes from POINT to PROCESS specifically; culminations reach process via a two-step path (culmination → point → process). At the Vendler level both are "achievement."
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Inchoative: state → achievement. "John knew the answer" → "John came to know the answer."
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The full coercion network.
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All coercion edges change the Vendler class.
All until-acceptable main clauses have the durative restriction.
When requires coercion for non-punctual, non-stative classes.
When coercion always targets achievement (punctual).