Chow & Erlewine 2022: Restrictions on the Position of exh #
@cite{chow-erlewine-2022}
Keng Ji Chow & Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine. Restrictions on the position of exh. Proceedings of SALT 32: 522--542.
Core Contributions #
Additive particles (also, again) diagnose the structural position of exh: the presupposition of also is sensitive to whether exh is in its scope.
"As low as possible" generalization (9): for certain SI triggers (disjunction, bare numerals, unstressed some, conjunction, all), exh must adjoin to the lowest position where it is not vacuous.
Three-way lexical classification of SI triggers by
[uexh]feature (§3.3, (30)), following @cite{chierchia-2013}'s feature-checking approach:[uexh*](strong): or, bare numerals, sm, and, all[uexh](weak): stressed SOME[—](none): scalar adjectives
Ignorance implicatures in embedded positions (§4): the covert □ that derives ignorance can occur below the clause edge, contra Meyer's "Matrix K" theory.
Formalization Strategy #
Adjunction sites are derived from tree structure via OpTree.inScopeOf,
not stipulated as an enum. The tree determines whether exh must be below
a presupposition trigger (like also), and @cite{fox-2007}'s computable
exhB verifies the resulting semantic predictions on finite models.
Related Files #
Exhaustification/InnocentExclusion.lean:exhB, innocent exclusion algorithmExhaustification/FreeChoice.lean: feature-checking, scale reversal, FCExhaustification/InnocentExclusion.lean:exhB,ieIndices(computable exhaustification)ScalarImplicatures/CompareRSAExh.lean: grammatical vs pragmatic SI
A tree for reasoning about operator scope and adjunction.
Operators (exh, also, not, □) are unary nodes; propositional content is at the leaves. Labels are theory-neutral strings — no syntactic framework is assumed. The tree structure alone determines scope relations.
- content (label : String) : OpTree
- op (label : String) (scope : OpTree) : OpTree
- merge (left right : OpTree) : OpTree
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- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.instDecidableEqOpTree.decEq (Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.OpTree.content label) (left.merge right) = isFalse ⋯
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.instDecidableEqOpTree.decEq (Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.OpTree.op label scope) (left.merge right) = isFalse ⋯
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.instDecidableEqOpTree.decEq (left.merge right) (Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.OpTree.content label) = isFalse ⋯
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.instDecidableEqOpTree.decEq (left.merge right) (Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.OpTree.op label scope) = isFalse ⋯
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- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.instBEqOpTree.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Does the tree contain a node (content or operator) with the given label?
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Is the target label in the scope of the given operator? The scope of an operator is its child subtree.
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- (Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.OpTree.content label).inScopeOf x✝¹ x✝ = false
- (Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.OpTree.op l child).inScopeOf x✝¹ x✝ = (l == x✝¹ && child.hasLabel x✝ || child.inScopeOf x✝¹ x✝)
- (left.merge right).inScopeOf x✝¹ x✝ = (left.inScopeOf x✝¹ x✝ || right.inScopeOf x✝¹ x✝)
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Syntactic feature governing exh placement (@cite{chow-erlewine-2022} §3.3).
SI triggers bear one of three features constraining where their associated
exh may adjoin. This is orthogonal to SITrigger (which governs when
SIs fire); ExhFeature governs where exh adjoins.
strong[uexh*]: exh as low as possible (non-vacuously)weak[uexh]: exh within local finite clause or just above embedding verbnone[—]: no constraint on exh position
- strong : ExhFeature
- weak : ExhFeature
- none : ExhFeature
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An SI trigger paired with its exh-placement feature.
- trigger : String
- feature : ExhFeature
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- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.bareNumeral = { trigger := "three", feature := Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.ExhFeature.strong }
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- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.scalarAdj = { trigger := "cold", feature := Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.ExhFeature.none }
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Does a parse tree satisfy the [uexh*] constraint relative to a
presupposition trigger (also/again)?
If the SI trigger is in the presupposition trigger's scope, then the exh
checking [uexh*] must ALSO be in that scope — i.e., exh is below
the presupposition trigger. If the SI trigger is outside the presupposition
trigger's scope (e.g., after passivization), any exh position is fine.
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Example (3): [Nina]_F also teaches Arabic or Basque.
The SI trigger "or" is inside the scope of "also".
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Example (7): Arabic or Basque is also taught by [Nina]_F. (passive)
The SI trigger "or" has moved to subject position, outside "also"'s scope.
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Exhaustified disjunction: exh(A ∨ B) = exclusive or.
Directly reuses @cite{fox-2007}'s disj_exh_eq_exor.
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Content of also's scope, determined by tree structure.
- exh below also: also's scope contains the exhaustified content
- exh above also: also's scope contains the bare (unexhaustified) content
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(3a) Disjunctive antecedent (Mira teaches Arabic only) is felicitous: antecedent satisfies exclusive or.
(3b) Conjunctive antecedent (Mira teaches both) is infelicitous: antecedent does NOT satisfy exclusive or.
Symmetric: Basque-only antecedent is also felicitous.
If exh were above also in (3), (3b) would be wrongly predicted
felicitous: the conjunctive antecedent satisfies bare A ∨ B.
(7) Conjunctive antecedent is felicitous in the passive:
exh is above also (the only non-vacuous position), so also's
scope is unexhaustified A ∨ B. Conjunctive antecedent satisfies this.
The tree for (3) determines exh below also, which correctly predicts (3a) felicitous and (3b) infelicitous — both in one theorem.
The tree for (7) determines exh above also, which correctly predicts conjunctive antecedent felicitous.
Negated propositions for indirect SI computation (§2.3).
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Alternatives for ¬(A ∧ B) under scale reversal:
{¬(A∧B), ¬A, ¬B, ¬(A∨B)}. The scale ⟨∨, ∧⟩ reverses under negation
to ⟨¬∧, ¬∨⟩, where ¬(A∨B) is strongest.
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The indirect SI of negated conjunction equals exclusive or:
exh(¬(A ∧ B)) = ¬(A ∧ B) ∧ (A ∨ B) = A ⊕ B.
The same result as the direct SI of disjunction — as expected from duality under negation.
Sauerland alternatives for conjunction: {A∧B, A, B, A∨B}.
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exh applied directly to conjunction is vacuous: A∧B entails every Sauerland alternative, so NW = {} and I-E = {}. This is why position ③ in (19) is ruled out — exh there makes no contribution.
Parse (18a): exh [also [not [A∧B]]]
exh above also — [uexh*] violated. The paper shows this parse
wrongly predicts (16b) felicitous.
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Parse (18b): also [exh [not [A∧B]]]
exh below also, above not — [uexh*] satisfied. This is the
correct parse: exh exhaustifies ¬(A∧B) to get the indirect SI A⊕B,
and also presupposes a salient individual satisfying A⊕B.
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Parse (18c): also [not [exh [A∧B]]]
exh below not, directly on conjunction — vacuous by exh_conj_vacuous.
satisfiesUExhStar passes but exh contributes nothing, so this parse
is equivalent to having no SI.
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Parse (18c) passes the structural check but is vacuous — the "as low as possible" generalization (9) requires the non-vacuity qualification to correctly rule out this position.
(16a) not>and antecedent (teaches exactly one) is felicitous:
satisfies exh(¬(A ∧ B)) = exclusive or.
(16b) not>or antecedent (teaches neither) is infelicitous:
neither does NOT satisfy exclusive or.
End-to-end for indirect SI: parse (18b) places exh below also,
yielding exh(¬(A∧B)) = A⊕B as also's scope content. Combined with
the structural constraint and semantic predictions, this closes the
argument chain: tree → [uexh*] satisfied → indirect SI → correct judgments.
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- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.isCold Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.TempWorld.freezing = true
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.isCold Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.TempWorld.cold = true
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.isCold Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.Studies.ChowErlewine2022.TempWorld.warm = false
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exh(cold) = cold ∧ ¬freezing: exactly cold, not freezing.
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If [uexh*] forced exh low (below also), a "freezing" antecedent
would need to satisfy exh(cold) = cold ∧ ¬freezing. It doesn't.
But (24) IS felicitous with a "freezing" antecedent, showing scalar adjectives allow exh above also. The antecedent satisfies unexhaustified "cold" (since freezing entails cold).
Multiple exh instances + the covert necessity modal □ derive both the scalar implicature (A ∨ B → ¬(A ∧ B)) and the ignorance implicature (the speaker doesn't know which disjunct is true).
Three candidate parses for (32) [Nina]_F also teaches A or B with
ignorance inferences. The inner exh (exh1) must check [uexh*].
The outer exh (exh2) applies above □ to derive ignorance.
Once [uexh*] is checked by exh₁, it imposes no conditions on the
placement of additional exh instances — this explains why both
(37a) and (37b) are grammatical despite differing in exh₂'s position.
Parse (37a): also [exh₂ [□ [exh₁ [A ∨ B]]]]
exh₁ is below also — [uexh*] satisfied.
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Parse (37b): exh₂ [□ [also [exh₁ [A ∨ B]]]]
exh₁ is below also — [uexh*] satisfied.
□ is in an embedded position (contra Meyer's Matrix K).
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Parse (37c): exh₂ [□ [exh₁ [also [A ∨ B]]]]
exh₁ is ABOVE also — [uexh*] violated.
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Parse (37b) is grammatical AND places □ in an embedded position. This is the empirical argument against Meyer's Matrix K theory, which requires the ignorance-generating operator to adjoin only at the clause root. Parse (37b) is necessary to account for "split" antecedents (33c) — the grammar must generate it.
In (37b), □ is dominated by exh₂ — an embedded, non-root position. This demonstrates that ignorance implicatures can be generated in embedded positions, contra the Matrix K theory.
ExhFeature determines which tree positions are available for exh.
The standard M/O/I positions correspond to specific nodes in a
doubly-quantified sentence tree. The tree-based inScopeOf predicate
subsumes an enumeration of positions by computing them from tree structure
rather than stipulating them.
ExhFeature answers: "where MUST exh go, given the trigger's feature?"
Doubly-quantified tree with exh at position I (below also):
[Q₁ [also [exh [V Q₂]]]]
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Doubly-quantified tree with exh at position M (above everything):
[exh [Q₁ [also [V Q₂]]]]
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For a [uexh*] trigger (e.g., "Q2") inside also's scope,
the tree-based constraint forces exh below also — i.e., position I.
Position M (above also) is ruled out. This recovers the M/O/I
distinction as a special case of tree structure.