@cite{degen-etal-2020} #
@cite{frank-goodman-2012} @cite{dale-reiter-1995} @cite{engelhardt-etal-2006} @cite{grice-1975} @cite{kursat-degen-2021}
When Redundancy Is Useful: A Bayesian Approach to "Overinformative" Referring Expressions. Psychological Review 127(4), 591–621.
Core Argument #
Standard RSA with Boolean semantics (φ ∈ {0,1}) predicts no preference for overmodified referring expressions — if "small" alone identifies the target, adding "blue" is literally uninformative. But speakers routinely overmodify (~31% in @cite{engelhardt-etal-2006}), with color mentioned redundantly more often than size.
cs-RSA replaces Boolean denotations with continuous semantics: φ(u, o) ∈ [0,1] via a Product of Experts (PoE) model. Each feature dimension acts as an independent noisy channel:
φ(u, o) = φ_size(u, o) · φ_color(u, o)
where φ_color = match_val if colors agree, mismatch_val otherwise (and similarly for size). The asymmetry between color and size arises from differing noise levels:
color: match = 0.99, mismatch = 0.01 → discrimination = 0.98
size: match = 0.80, mismatch = 0.20 → discrimination = 0.60
Adding a redundant color modifier (high discrimination) sharpens the listener's posterior more than adding redundant size would → speakers overmodify with color more.
Scene (§2 demonstration) #
Three objects: {big blue pin, big red pin, small blue pin (TARGET)}.
| Object | Size | Color |
|-----------|-------|-------|
| bigBlue | big | blue |
| bigRed | big | red |
| smallBlue | small | blue | ← TARGET
- Size-sufficient: only the target is small, so "small" uniquely identifies
- Color-redundant: two objects are blue, so "blue" alone does not identify
Seven utterances: {"big", "small", "blue", "red", "big blue", "big red", "small blue"} (all followed by implicit "pin").
Architecture #
L0(o|u) ∝ φ(u, o)
S1(u|w) ∝ exp(α · log L0(w|u) − β_c · cost(u))
BDA-fitted cost β_c ≈ 0, placing the model in the No-Brevity regime. With α = 1 and β_c = 0, S1(u|w) ∝ L0(w|u).
NOTE: The paper's Table 2 uses L0(o|u) ∝ exp(φ(u,o)) (WebPPL factor
convention). Our formalization uses L0 ∝ φ (matching the paper's eq. 1
directly). Both give identical S1 orderings since exp is monotone; the
numerical L0 values differ but the qualitative predictions are the same.
Verified Predictions #
- cs-RSA: S1 prefers overmodified "small blue" > sufficient "small"
- cs-RSA: sufficient "small" > redundant "blue" (size principle)
- cs-RSA: full 7-utterance S1 ordering at target
- Boolean RSA: no overmodification preference (smallBlue tied with small)
- Connection: cost = 0 ↔ @cite{dale-reiter-1995} No-Brevity (strength 0)
- Connection: noise discrimination ordering grounds the asymmetry
- Connection: explains @cite{engelhardt-etal-2006}'s ~31% over-description
- Exp 2: typicality predicts color modifier production (β = −4.17, p < .0001)
- Exp 3: informativeness hierarchy predicts nominal choice (β = 2.11, p < .0001)
- Exp 3: typicality predicts subordinate use (β = 4.82, p < .001)
- Bridge: noise (adjectives) and typicality (nouns) are parallel mechanisms
Verified Data #
Exp 1 (§3): main effect of sufficient property β = 3.54, SE = .22, p < .0001; interaction β = 2.26, SE = .74, p < .003. BDA-fitted noise parameters (Figure 10 caption): MAP x_color = .88, MAP x_size = .79, confirming color > size discrimination. Fitted β_c values near zero.
Exp 2 (§4.3): typicality β = −4.17, SE = .45, p < .0001; informativeness β = −5.56, SE = .33, p < .0001; color competitor β = 0.71, SE = .16, p < .0001.
Exp 3 (§5.2): sub necessary β = 2.11, SE = .17, p < .0001; basic vs super β = .60, SE = .15, p < .0001; typicality β = 4.82, SE = 1.35, p < .001; length β = −.95, SE = .27, p < .001; frequency β = .08, SE = .11, NS. BDA (§5.3, Figure 19): β_fixed MAP = 0.004, β_i MAP = 19.8, β_t MAP = 0.57, β_F MAP = 0.02, β_L MAP = 2.69.
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Referring expressions available to the speaker. Each is an adjective combination followed by the implicit head noun "pin":
- Single: "big", "small", "blue", "red"
- Complex: "big blue", "big red", "small blue"
- big : Utterance
"big pin" — size only
- small : Utterance
"small pin" — size only (SUFFICIENT for target)
- blue : Utterance
"blue pin" — color only (REDUNDANT: two objects are blue)
- red : Utterance
"red pin" — color only
- bigBlue : Utterance
"big blue pin" — size + color
- bigRed : Utterance
"big red pin" — size + color
- smallBlue : Utterance
"small blue pin" — size + color (OVERMODIFIED)
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The target object in this scene.
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Size is sufficient: only one object (the target) is small.
Color is NOT sufficient: two objects share the target's color (blue).
Continuous semantic value φ(u, o) via Product of Experts.
Each feature dimension contributes a noisy channel value directly
from the RSA.Noise module's standard parameters:
- Single adjective: φ = channel value for that dimension
- Complex adjective: φ = product of per-dimension channels (PoE)
| Utterance | bigBlue | bigRed | smallBlue |
|---|---|---|---|
| big | sizeMatch (0.80) | sizeMatch (0.80) | sizeMismatch (0.20) |
| small | sizeMismatch | sizeMismatch | sizeMatch (0.80) |
| blue | colorMatch (0.99) | colorMismatch | colorMatch (0.99) |
| red | colorMismatch | colorMatch (0.99) | colorMismatch |
| big blue | sM·cM (0.792) | sM·cMM (0.008) | sMM·cM (0.198) |
| big red | sM·cMM (0.008) | sM·cM (0.792) | sMM·cMM (0.002) |
| small blue | sMM·cM (0.198) | sMM·cMM (0.002) | sM·cM (0.792) |
The noise parameters are the §2 demonstration values from
@cite{degen-etal-2020}, imported from RSA.Noise.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.big Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = RSA.Noise.sizeMatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.big Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = RSA.Noise.sizeMatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.big Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = RSA.Noise.sizeMismatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.small Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = RSA.Noise.sizeMismatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.small Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = RSA.Noise.sizeMismatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.small Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = RSA.Noise.sizeMatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.blue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = RSA.Noise.colorMatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.blue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = RSA.Noise.colorMismatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.blue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = RSA.Noise.colorMatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.red Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = RSA.Noise.colorMismatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.red Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = RSA.Noise.colorMatch
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.red Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = RSA.Noise.colorMismatch
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φ uses the same noise parameters as the RSA.Noise module —
by construction, not by bridge theorem.
Complex utterances decompose as products of per-feature channel values — the concrete Product of Experts model from @cite{degen-etal-2020} §2. Each feature dimension contributes an independent noisy channel; the combined φ is their product.
cs-RSA model for the overmodification reference game.
- Meaning: continuous PoE semantics φ(u,o) ∈ [0,1]
- S1: gated exp(α · log L0), equivalent to L0^α with zero-gating
- α = 1 (the paper BDA-fits α; we use 1 for qualitative predictions)
- Cost = 0 (No-Brevity regime; paper's BDA estimates: β_c ≈ 0)
The continuous meaning function is the key innovation: redundant modifiers carry non-zero information because noise channels are imperfect. The S1 scoring pattern is the same as @cite{frank-goodman-2012} — only the meaning function changes from Boolean to continuous.
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L0 posterior computed directly from φ (ℚ-valued, for verification). L0(w|u) = φ(u,w) / Σ_w' φ(u,w'). These are the values under L0 ∝ φ (our formalization). The paper's Table 2 uses L0 ∝ exp(φ) (WebPPL convention); the orderings are the same but the numbers differ.
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L0(target | "small") = 2/3. Size is sufficient: sizeMatch = 4/5 gives the target a much higher score than the distractors (sizeMismatch = 1/5 each), but not perfect (unlike Boolean L0 = 1).
L0(target | "small blue") = 99/124. The redundant color modifier sharpens the posterior from 2/3 to 99/124 ≈ 0.798. The improvement comes from the PoE: color's high-discrimination channel (0.98) adds substantial signal on top of size's moderate discrimination (0.60).
The overmodified form sharpens L0: L0(target | "small blue") > L0(target | "small"). This is the core mechanism — redundant modifiers carry real information through the noise channel.
L0(target | "blue") = 99/199. Color is redundant: two objects are blue (bigBlue and smallBlue), so the listener assigns equal probability to both. The target gets 99/199 ≈ 0.497, just under 1/2.
Main result: cs-RSA's S1 strictly prefers the overmodified form "small blue pin" over the size-sufficient "small pin."
Mechanism: "small" gives L0(target) = 2/3 (sizeMatch/(2·sizeMismatch
- sizeMatch)). Adding "blue" sharpens to L0(target) = 99/124 ≈ 0.798 via the PoE. With cost = 0, there is no penalty for the extra modifier, so S1 strictly prefers the more informative form.
This is the paper's central result: overmodification is RATIONAL under noisy perception, not a violation of Grice's Brevity maxim.
The sufficient modifier "small" beats the redundant modifier "blue." "small" gives L0(target) = 2/3; "blue" gives L0(target) = 99/199 ≈ 0.497. Size uniquely identifies the target, while color does not.
This is the size principle (@cite{frank-goodman-2012}): utterances with smaller extensions are more informative. "small" applies to 1 object (under Boolean denotation) while "blue" applies to 2.
Complete S1 ordering for the target (smallBlue):
smallBlue > small > blue > bigBlue > big > red > bigRed
- smallBlue (overmodified): highest — both channels correct + PoE sharpening
- small (sufficient): size uniquely identifies
- blue (redundant): color partially identifies (2 of 3 objects)
- bigBlue (wrong size, right color): wrong on the sufficient dimension
- big (wrong size): only size channel, wrong direction
- red (wrong color): only color channel, wrong direction
- bigRed (wrong everything): both channels wrong, PoE suppresses
Boolean (zero-noise) semantic value. In the zero-noise limit, φ ∈ {0,1}: a feature either matches perfectly (1) or not at all (0).
Key difference from cs-RSA: "small" gives L0(target) = 1 (perfect identification), so adding "blue" provides ZERO additional information. The overmodified and sufficient forms are equally informative.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.big Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.big Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.big Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.small Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.small Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.small Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.blue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.blue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.blue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.red Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.red Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.red Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigBlue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigBlue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigBlue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigRed Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigRed Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigRed Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.smallBlue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigBlue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.smallBlue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.bigRed = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.smallBlue Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.World.smallBlue = 1
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Standard RSA with Boolean semantics (φ ∈ {0,1}). Same architecture as cs-RSA but with zero noise. This is the @cite{frank-goodman-2012} model applied to the same scene.
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Boolean RSA does NOT prefer overmodification: "small blue pin" is NOT better than "small pin." Both give L0(target) = 1.0 (perfect identification), so adding "blue" provides zero information.
The contrast: cs-RSA predicts overmodification where Boolean RSA does not. Noise is the key ingredient.
Both models agree that "small" (sufficient, extension size 1) beats "blue" (redundant, extension size 2) — that is just the size principle from @cite{frank-goodman-2012}. But they DISAGREE on whether adding "blue" to "small" helps:
| Prediction | cs-RSA | Boolean |
|---|---|---|
| overmod > sufficient | ✓ | ✗ |
cs-RSA: L0(target|"small blue") = 99/124 > L0(target|"small") = 2/3 Boolean: L0(target|"small blue") = L0(target|"small") = 1
Mixed-effects logistic regression result from the production experiment. Positive β means more overmodification in the first condition.
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Main effect of sufficient property (color vs size, §3): speakers are significantly more likely to add a redundant color adjective than a redundant size adjective. β = 3.54, SE = .22, p < .0001. Verified against running text.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp1_main_effect = { β := 3.54, se := 0.22, significant := true }
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Scene variation × sufficient property interaction (§3): the color > size asymmetry is modulated by scene variation. β = 2.26, SE = .74, p < .003. Verified against running text.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp1_interaction = { β := 2.26, se := 0.74, significant := true }
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The core empirical finding: color overmodification significantly exceeds size overmodification.
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Fitted color noise parameter (Figure 10): MAP x_color = 0.88, 95% HDI = [0.85, 0.92]. Verified against Figure 10 caption.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.fitted_x_color = { map := 0.88, hdi_lo := 0.85, hdi_hi := 0.92 }
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Fitted size noise parameter (Figure 10): MAP x_size = 0.79, 95% HDI = [0.76, 0.80]. Verified against Figure 10 caption.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.fitted_x_size = { map := 0.79, hdi_lo := 0.76, hdi_hi := 0.80 }
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Fitted cost parameters (Figure 10): β_c(size) MAP = 0.02, β_c(color) MAP = 0.03 — near zero. Verified against Figure 10 caption.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.fitted_cost = { β_c_size := 2e-2, β_c_color := 3e-2 }
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BDA-fitted parameters confirm the noise discrimination ordering:
x_color > x_size, matching the RSA.Noise module's standard values.
This is the empirical validation of the noise channel asymmetry.
BDA-fitted cost parameters are near zero, empirically confirming the No-Brevity regime. The model finds that utterance cost plays essentially no role — speakers are driven by informativity (Q1) rather than brevity (Q2).
cs-RSA operates in the No-Brevity regime: cost = 0, so there is no penalty for longer utterances (empirically confirmed: fitted β_c ≈ 0). This matches @cite{dale-reiter-1995}'s No Brevity interpretation (the weakest Q2, strength = 0).
The insight: No-Brevity is not just computationally convenient — it is rational when perception is noisy. Redundant modifiers carry real information through the noise channel, so omitting them harms the listener. Over-description is not a violation of Q2; it is Q1 (be informative) operating in a noisy world.
| Property | IA (D&R 1995) | cs-RSA |
|---|---|---|
| Output | deterministic | probabilistic (soft-max) |
| Brevity | No-Brevity | No-Brevity (β_c ≈ 0) |
| Overmod rate | fixed by order | varies with noise params |
| Color > size | from pref. order | from noise asymmetry |
Both operate in the No-Brevity regime, but cs-RSA derives the preference ordering from noise discrimination rather than stipulating it.
The color > size > material discrimination ordering from RSA.Noise
directly predicts the overmodification ordering. cs-RSA's meaning
function φ uses these noise values by construction (not by coincidence):
φ .blue .smallBlue = RSA.Noise.colorMatch.
cs-RSA explains the puzzle from @cite{engelhardt-etal-2006}: speakers over-describe ~31% of the time, listeners don't penalize it (Q2 violations tolerated), yet listeners implicitly detect the redundancy (processing cost).
cs-RSA's answer: over-description is not a Q2 violation at all. In a noisy world, redundant modifiers are genuinely informative (Q1). The speaker is not being "over-informative" — they are being appropriately informative given perceptual uncertainty.
The explanatory chain from Gricean maxims to empirical overmodification:
- @cite{grice-1975}: Quantity decomposes into Q1 (informative) + Q2 (brief)
- @cite{dale-reiter-1995}: No-Brevity (Q2 relaxed) matches human production; IA uses a stipulated preference order (color before size)
- @cite{engelhardt-etal-2006}: speakers over-describe ~31%, Q2 violations tolerated explicitly but detected implicitly
- @cite{frank-goodman-2012}: RSA formalizes Q1 via L0, Q2 via cost; Boolean semantics predicts no overmodification preference
- This paper: cs-RSA explains WHY No-Brevity is rational — noise makes redundant modifiers informative. Noise asymmetry (color > size) DERIVES the preference ordering that D&R stipulate.
cs-RSA does not merely describe the No-Brevity regime; it explains it. The "over-informative" speaker is actually being informative (Q1) in a world where perception is noisy.
The cs-RSA framework extends from modifier adjectives to head nouns via typicality. Just as noise parameters replace Boolean feature matching with continuous values for adjectives:
φ_adj(u, o) = match/mismatch ∈ [0,1]
typicality replaces Boolean category membership for nouns:
φ_noun(u, o) = typicality(o, category(u)) ∈ [0,1]
Both instantiate the same pattern: L(u,o) ∈ [0,1] instead of L(u,o) ∈ {0,1}. Noise captures perceptual uncertainty about features; typicality captures categorization uncertainty about type membership. The key insight is that continuous semantics is not specific to adjective modification — it applies whenever perception or categorization is graded rather than crisp.
The paper tests this in two experiments:
- Exp 2 (§4): Color typicality affects modifier production. Atypical colors (blue banana) are mentioned MORE than typical colors (yellow banana).
- Exp 3 (§5): Typicality affects head noun choice across taxonomic levels (subordinate, basic, superordinate).
More typical color → LESS color mention (§4.3: β = −4.17, SE = 0.45, p < .0001). Log odds of including color modifier.
Interpretation: typical colors (yellow banana) carry less information because the listener already expects them → speakers omit them. Atypical colors (blue banana) are surprising and informative → speakers include them.
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Overinformative color → LESS color mention (§4.3: β = −5.56, SE = 0.33, p < .0001). Speakers are less likely to include a color modifier when it is redundant (overinformative) than when it is needed (informative).
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Color competitor absent → MORE color mention (§4.3: β = 0.71, SE = 0.16, p < .0001). Speakers mention color more when no distractor shares the target's color, consistent with the noise model's prediction that unique colors are more discriminative.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp2_color_competitor = { β := 0.71, se := 0.16, significant := true }
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All three predictors are significant in Exp 2: typicality, informativeness, and color competitor presence.
Typicality effect is negative: more typical → less color mention. This is the within-dimension analogue of the cross-dimension asymmetry in Exp 1: high-discrimination features (Exp 1: color > size) get mentioned MORE, but within a feature, high-typicality values (Exp 2: typical colors) get mentioned LESS because they're already expected.
The model evaluation for Exp 2 compares three semantic specifications:
- Empirical typicality only (β_fixed = 0): meaning function uses empirically elicited typicality ratings directly
- Type-level Boolean only (β_fixed = 1): meaning function uses inferred match/mismatch values per type (as in Exp 1)
- Interpolation (β_fixed ∈ [0,1]): weighted mix of empirical and type-level values
The BDA finds β_fixed MAP → 0: empirical typicality strongly dominates Boolean type-level semantics. This is evidence that category membership is genuinely graded, not just noisy Boolean.
Taxonomic levels for head noun choice. Exp 3 tests whether speakers choose subordinate, basic-level, or superordinate nouns in a reference game. The cs-RSA model with typicality values predicts noun choice across all three levels.
- subordinate : TaxonomicLevel
Subordinate: "dalmatian", "poodle", "avocado"
- basic : TaxonomicLevel
Basic: "dog", "bird", "fruit" (Rosch's basic level)
- superordinate : TaxonomicLevel
Superordinate: "animal", "furniture", "food"
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Informativeness conditions for nominal reference (§5.1). The referent is always uniquely identifiable — the conditions vary in what level of the taxonomy is required for unique identification.
- subNecessary : NominalCondition
Subordinate level needed to distinguish (e.g., among three dogs)
- basicSufficient : NominalCondition
Basic level sufficient (e.g., one dog among cats and birds)
- superSufficient : NominalCondition
Superordinate sufficient (e.g., one animal among non-animals)
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Sub necessary vs mean of other conditions (§5.2: β = 2.11, SE = .17, z = 12.66, p < .0001). Speakers strongly prefer subordinate nouns when the subordinate level is needed for unique identification.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp3_sub_necessary = { β := 2.11, se := 0.17, significant := true }
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Basic sufficient vs super sufficient (§5.2: β = .60, SE = .15, z = 4.09, p < .0001). When both levels suffice, speakers prefer basic-level nouns — consistent with Rosch's basic-level advantage.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp3_basic_vs_super = { β := 0.60, se := 0.15, significant := true }
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Typicality predicts subordinate mention (§5.2: β = 4.82, SE = 1.35, z = 3.58, p < .001). Higher typicality → MORE subordinate mention.
Direction is OPPOSITE to Exp 2's color typicality effect (β = −4.17):
- Exp 2: typical color → LESS mention (expected, so uninformative)
- Exp 3: typical exemplar → MORE subordinate mention (good fit for the subordinate term → the term is more discriminative)
The difference reflects different roles of typicality: in Exp 2, typicality reduces the information gained from mentioning a feature. In Exp 3, typicality increases how well a noun fits, making it a better descriptor for the cs-RSA meaning function.
Equations
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp3_typicality = { β := 4.82, se := 1.35, significant := true }
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Length disprefers subordinate mention (§5.2: β = −.95, SE = .27, z = −3.54, p < .001). Longer subordinate terms ("dalmatian" vs "dog") are used less — speakers face a real brevity pressure for nouns that is absent for adjective modifiers (Exp 1: β_c ≈ 0).
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Frequency does not predict subordinate mention (§5.2: β = .08, SE = .11, z = .71, NS). Word frequency plays no role in noun choice once typicality and length are controlled.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp3_frequency = { β := 8e-2, se := 0.11, significant := false }
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BDA-fitted parameters for the nominal choice model (§5.3, Figure 19).
Key findings:
- β_fixed MAP = 0.004: empirical typicality strongly preferred over Boolean type-level semantics (same as Exp 2)
- β_i MAP = 19.8: high rationality (α in RSA notation)
- β_t MAP = 0.57: typicality concentration < 1 (sublinear)
- β_F MAP = 0.02: frequency cost negligible
- β_L MAP = 2.69: length cost substantial (contrast with Exp 1's ≈ 0)
Model achieves r = .86 at the target/utterance/condition level and r = .95 collapsed across targets.
- β_fixed : Float
Interpolation weight: 0 = empirical typicality, 1 = Boolean
- β_i : Float
Rationality parameter (α in RSA notation)
- β_t : Float
Typicality concentration parameter
- β_F : Float
Frequency cost weight
- β_L : Float
Length cost weight
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MAP estimates from BDA (§5.3, Figure 19). Verified against figure caption.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.exp3_fitted = { β_fixed := 4e-3, β_i := 19.8, β_t := 0.57, β_F := 2e-2, β_L := 2.69 }
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Empirical typicality strongly preferred: β_fixed → 0. Boolean semantics is a poor approximation — category membership is genuinely graded, not binary + noise.
Length cost is substantial: β_L = 2.69. Speakers do prefer shorter nouns ("dog" over "dalmatian"), unlike modifiers where β_c ≈ 0.
In RSA terms: nominal choice is NOT in the No-Brevity regime. The No-Brevity result from Exp 1 is specific to modifier adjectives, not a general property of referring expressions.
Frequency plays negligible role: both the regression (NS) and the BDA (β_F MAP = 0.02) find no meaningful frequency effect. Speakers choose nouns based on informativity, typicality, and length — not based on how common the word is.
Objects in a basic-sufficient reference game. The target is a dalmatian; the distractors are a cat and a bird. "Dog" uniquely identifies the target (basic-sufficient), so "dalmatian" is overspecific.
This parallels the Exp 1 scene where "small" uniquely identifies the target and "small blue" is overmodified.
- dalmatian : NomWorld
Target: a dalmatian
- cat : NomWorld
Distractor: a cat
- bird : NomWorld
Distractor: a bird
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Noun utterances at three taxonomic levels.
- sub : NomUtterance
Subordinate: "dalmatian" (overspecific in basic-sufficient)
- basic : NomUtterance
Basic: "dog" (SUFFICIENT to identify the target)
- super : NomUtterance
Superordinate: "animal" (applies to all objects equally)
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Typicality-based meaning function φ_typ(u, o) ∈ [0,1]. Each cell represents how typical object o is as an instance of the category named by utterance u.
| Utterance | dalmatian | cat | bird |
|---|---|---|---|
| sub | 19/20 | 1/100 | 1/100 |
| basic | 4/5 | 1/20 | 1/20 |
| super | 7/10 | 7/10 | 7/10 |
Key structure: the dalmatian is a very typical dalmatian (19/20), a typical dog (4/5), and a moderately typical animal (7/10). The cat and bird have near-zero typicality for "dalmatian" and "dog" but are moderately typical animals.
These values are illustrative, paralleling the §2 noise parameters for Exp 1. The paper's Exp 3 uses empirically elicited typicality ratings for 17 target items across three informativeness conditions.
Equations
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.sub Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.dalmatian = 19 / 20
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.sub Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.cat = 1 / 100
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.sub Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.bird = 1 / 100
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.basic Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.dalmatian = 4 / 5
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.basic Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.cat = 1 / 20
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.basic Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.bird = 1 / 20
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.super Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.dalmatian = 7 / 10
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.super Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.cat = 7 / 10
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.super Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.bird = 7 / 10
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φ_typ is non-negative.
cs-RSA model for nominal reference with typicality semantics.
Same architecture as the Exp 1 modifier model — only the meaning function changes from noise-based to typicality-based. Cost = 0 for the qualitative prediction; the paper's BDA finds β_L = 2.69 (length cost is real for nouns but zero-cost suffices to demonstrate the overspecification prediction).
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L0 posterior for the nominal scene (ℚ-valued).
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L0(dalmatian | "dalmatian") = 95/97 ≈ 0.979. Near-perfect identification — the subordinate term almost uniquely picks out the dalmatian via typicality.
L0(dalmatian | "dog") = 8/9 ≈ 0.889. Good identification — the basic-level term discriminates well because the distractors (cat, bird) are very atypical dogs.
L0(dalmatian | "animal") = 1/3. No discrimination — all three objects are equally typical animals.
The subordinate term sharpens L0 beyond the basic term: L0("dalmatian") > L0("dog"). Overspecific nouns carry real information through the typicality channel, just as redundant modifiers carry information through the noise channel.
Nominal overspecification: cs-RSA with typicality semantics predicts S1 prefers the subordinate "dalmatian" over the basic "dog" even when "dog" uniquely identifies the target.
Mechanism: "dog" gives L0(target) = 8/9 (the dalmatian is typical but the distractors have nonzero dog-typicality). "Dalmatian" gives L0(target) = 95/97 ≈ 0.979 (near-perfect). The subordinate term carries more information through the typicality channel.
This is the nominal analogue of csrsa_overmod_preferred:
continuous semantics makes overspecification rational.
The basic term "dog" beats the superordinate "animal." "Dog" identifies the target well (L0 = 8/9), while "animal" does not discriminate at all (L0 = 1/3).
Complete S1 ordering: sub > basic > super. Parallels the Exp 1 ordering: overmod > sufficient > redundant.
Boolean (crisp) typicality: {0, 1}. An object either belongs to the category or not, with no gradience.
| Utterance | dalmatian | cat | bird |
|---|---|---|---|
| sub | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| basic | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| super | 1 | 1 | 1 |
Key difference: Boolean L0(target | "dalmatian") = L0(target | "dog") = 1 (perfect identification). No overspecification preference.
Equations
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.sub Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.dalmatian = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.sub Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.cat = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.sub Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.bird = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.basic Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.dalmatian = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.basic Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.cat = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.basic Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.bird = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.super Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.dalmatian = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.super Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.cat = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.φ_typ_bool Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.super Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomWorld.bird = 1
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Boolean RSA for nominal reference. Same architecture as the continuous model but with crisp {0,1} typicality.
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Boolean RSA does NOT prefer overspecification: "dalmatian" is NOT better than "dog." Both give L0(target) = 1.0 (perfect identification), so the extra specificity provides zero information.
The contrast: typicality-based cs-RSA predicts overspecification where Boolean RSA does not. Typicality is to nouns what noise is to adjectives.
| Prediction | cs-RSA | Boolean |
|---|---|---|
| Exp 1: overmod > suff | ✓ | ✗ |
| Exp 3: overspec > suff | ✓ | ✗ |
Both predictions follow from the same mechanism: continuous ∈ [0,1] meaning functions allow redundant/overspecific expressions to carry real information that Boolean {0,1} semantics cannot capture.
The unified mechanism: continuous semantics makes both overmodification (Exp 1) and overspecification (Exp 3) rational. Boolean semantics predicts neither.
| Phenomenon | Modifiers (Exp 1) | Nouns (Exp 3) |
|---|---|---|
| Sufficient | "small" (size) | "dog" (basic level) |
| Overinformative | "small blue" (+ color) | "dalmatian" (sub level) |
| Continuous φ | noise channels | typicality ratings |
| cs-RSA | overmod > sufficient | overspec > sufficient |
| Boolean | overmod = sufficient | overspec = sufficient |
Both predictions are proved as theorems from the same RSA architecture with the same s1Score function — only the meaning function differs.
The informativity–brevity trade-off is central to the paper's findings. We parameterize S1 with a cost weight c for both modifiers (Exp 1) and nouns (Exp 3), then prove:
- Both regimes (overinformative preferred, sufficient preferred) exist
- The modifier model is more robust to cost than the nominal model
- This differential robustness explains why β_c is unidentifiable for modifiers (wide HDI: [0, 0.26]) but identifiable for nouns (β_L = 2.69)
The key insight: noise-based modifier semantics produces a larger informativity gap (L0 = 99/124 vs 2/3 = gap of ~0.13) than typicality-based nominal semantics (L0 = 95/97 vs 8/9 = gap of ~0.09), so modifiers can absorb more cost before the ordering flips.
Cost of modifier utterances. Two-word utterances (containing both size and color) cost 1; single-word utterances cost 0.
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.modCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.big = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.modCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.small = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.modCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.blue = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.modCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.red = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.modCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigBlue = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.modCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.bigRed = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.modCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.Utterance.smallBlue = 1
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S1 score for modifiers with cost discount c ≥ 0. S1(c, w, u) = L0(w|u) / (1 + c · cost(u)).
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Relative utterance cost for nouns. Subordinate terms are longer than basic: "dalmatian" (9 chars) vs "dog" (3 chars).
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- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.nomCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.sub = 1
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.nomCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.basic = 0
- Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.nomCost Phenomena.Reference.Studies.DegenEtAl2020.NomUtterance.super = 1 / 2
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S1 score for nouns with cost discount c ≥ 0. S1(c, w, u) = L0(w|u) / (1 + c · cost(u)).
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Modifier existence: both the overmod regime and the sufficient regime are realizable by varying cost.
Nominal existence: both the overspec regime and the basic-level regime are realizable by varying cost.
At moderate cost c = 3/20, the modifier model STILL predicts overmodification but the nominal model ALREADY predicts basic level.
The modifier prediction is more robust because the informativity gap from noise (L0 = 99/124 vs 2/3) is larger than the gap from typicality (L0 = 95/97 vs 8/9). Overmodification can absorb more cost before the ordering flips.
This explains why the BDA finds:
- β_c wide HDI [0, 0.26]: many cost values produce overmod → cost is unidentifiable
- β_L = 2.69 (narrow HDI): the model is sensitive to cost → cost is identifiable
The full crossover picture: both models transition from overinformative-preferred to sufficient-preferred, but at different cost levels.
| Cost c | Modifiers | Nouns |
|---|---|---|
| 0 | overmod > suff | overspec > basic |
| 1/10 | overmod > suff | overspec > basic |
| 3/20 | overmod > suff | basic > overspec |
| 1/5 | suff > overmod | basic > overspec |
| 1/4 | suff > overmod | basic > overspec |
The nominal model crosses over between c = 1/10 and c = 3/20. The modifier model crosses over between c = 3/20 and c = 1/5.