Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Reference.DirectReference

Hesperus/Phosphorus: The Informativeness Puzzle #

Frege's puzzle: "Hesperus = Phosphorus" is informative (empirical discovery by the Babylonians), yet "Hesperus = Hesperus" is trivial.

If names are rigid designators (Kripke), both sentences are necessarily true. The puzzle: how can two necessary truths differ in cognitive significance?

Kaplan's answer: different characters (modes of presentation). Kripke's answer: a posteriori necessity (epistemically contingent, metaphysically necessary).

  • identity_true : Bool

    "Hesperus is Phosphorus" is true (both are Venus)

  • informative : Bool

    The identity is informative (empirical discovery)

  • self_identity_trivial : Bool

    "Hesperus is Hesperus" is trivial

  • both_rigid : Bool

    Both names are rigid designators

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    The Modal Argument #

    Kripke's modal argument: names and descriptions behave differently in modal contexts, showing names are rigid.

    "Nixon might not have been president" is true — there are worlds where Nixon exists but isn't president. The name "Nixon" picks out the same individual (Nixon) at every world.

    "The president might not have been president" is trivially false on the rigid reading, or means "whoever is actually president might not have been" on the non-rigid reading.

    This asymmetry shows that names ≠ descriptions.

    • name : String

      The name

    • description : String

      The description that happens to co-refer

    • name_modal_true : Bool

      "N might not have been D" is true (natural reading)

    • name_is_rigid : Bool

      The name is rigid across possible worlds

    • description_is_rigid : Bool

      The description is NOT rigid (varies across worlds)

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        Donnellan's Martini Case #

        @cite{donnellan-1966}: "The man drinking a martini is happy" said at a party.

        The speaker points at Jones, who is actually drinking water. Smith, unbeknownst to the speaker, is the one drinking a martini.

        • Referential use: the speaker refers to Jones → evaluates Jones's happiness
        • Attributive use: whoever is drinking a martini → evaluates Smith's happiness

        The two uses come apart because the description misfits.

        • intended : String

          The speaker's intended referent

        • actualSatisfier : String

          Who actually satisfies the description

        • description : String

          The description

        • intendedFails : Bool

          The intended referent doesn't satisfy the description

        • referentialSucceeds : Bool

          Referential use: speaker successfully communicates about Jones

        • attributivePicksOther : Bool

          Attributive use: picks out Smith instead

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          Substitutivity Failure in Belief Contexts #

          Substitutivity failure: co-referential names are not interchangeable in belief contexts.

          "Lois believes Superman can fly" is true. "Lois believes Clark Kent can fly" is false. Yet Superman = Clark Kent.

          This shows that attitude contexts are opaque — they are sensitive to the mode of presentation, not just the referent. Singular propositions (structured content) explain this: ⟨Superman, can-fly⟩ ≠ ⟨Clark, can-fly⟩ even though Superman = Clark.

          • name₁ : String

            The two co-referential names

          • name₂ : String
          • predicate : String

            The predicate

          • believer : String

            The believer

          • belief₁ : Bool

            "B believes name₁ is P"

          • belief₂ : Bool

            "B believes name₂ is P"

          • coreferential : Bool

            name₁ = name₂ (co-referential)

          • substitutionFails : Bool

            belief₁ ≠ belief₂ (substitution failure)

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              Kaplan's "I am here now" #

              @cite{kaplan-1989}: "I am here now" is a logical truth — true at every context of utterance — yet its content is contingent.

              At a context where Alice is in Paris on Monday, the content is the proposition "Alice is in Paris on Monday", which is contingent (Alice might have been in London).

              This separates two notions of truth:

              • Logical truth (truth at every context)
              • Necessity (truth at every world)
              • logicallyTrue : Bool

                True at every context of utterance

              • contentContingent : Bool

                Content is contingent (not true at every world)

              • logicalTruthNotNecessity : Bool

                Separates logical truth from necessity

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                Kripke's Necessity of Identity #

                @cite{kripke-1980}: if an identity "a = b" is true and both terms are rigid designators, then the identity is necessarily true.

                "Hesperus = Phosphorus" is true. Both "Hesperus" and "Phosphorus" are rigid designators. Therefore "Hesperus = Phosphorus" is necessarily true — true at every possible world.

                Yet the identity is a posteriori — it was an empirical discovery. This yields the category of a posteriori necessities.

                • name₁ : String

                  The two names

                • name₂ : String
                • identityTrue : Bool

                  The identity is true

                • bothRigid : Bool

                  Both names are rigid

                • identityNecessary : Bool

                  The identity is necessary (true at every world)

                • identityAPosteriori : Bool

                  The identity is a posteriori (empirical discovery)

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                  Kaplan's Anti-Monster Thesis #

                  @cite{kaplan-1989}'s thesis that natural language has no context-shifting operators ("monsters").

                  Status: holds for English; challenged cross-linguistically by indexical shift under attitude verbs in Amharic, Zazaki, Slave, Navajo, and Uyghur.

                  Theoretical account: Theories/Semantics.Intensional/Reference/Monsters.lean.

                  • thesis : String

                    The thesis: no NL operator shifts the context of utterance

                  • holdsForEnglish : Bool

                    Holds for English

                  • challengedCrossLinguistically : Bool

                    Challenged by at least some languages

                  • shiftLanguages : List String

                    Languages with documented indexical shift

                  • quotationExcluded : Bool

                    Quotation is excluded from the thesis

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