Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Presupposition.Studies.Blutner2000

@cite{blutner-2000} — Presupposition Projection via Bidirectional OT #

@cite{blutner-2000} @cite{van-der-sandt-1992} @cite{geurts-1995}

Some Aspects of Optimality in Natural Language Interpretation. Journal of Semantics 17(3): 189–216.

Overview #

Section 4 of @cite{blutner-2000} reconstructs @cite{van-der-sandt-1992}'s and @cite{geurts-1995}'s presupposition projection mechanism within bidirectional OT. The I-principle (interpretation optimality) selects the preferred accommodation site; the Q-principle (production optimality) blocks accommodation when a simpler expression alternative exists.

Two Constraints #

Ranking: AvoidA >> BeStrong.

Application #

Example (18): "If Peter has a dog, then his cat is gray" #

Three projection sites for the presupposition "Peter has a cat":

All three violate AvoidA. BeStrong is decisive: global accommodation (τ₃) gives the strongest interpretation → selected.

Example (19): "If Peter has a cat, then his cat is gray" #

Three projection sites:

AvoidA selects τ₂ (intermediate) — the only site where the presupposition is bound rather than accommodated.

Accommodation blocking (Q-principle) #

@cite{blutner-2000} §4, example (25): accommodation of "the car" is blocked when a simpler expression "a car" achieves the same context change without triggering presupposition. This is Q-principle blocking: the presuppositional form is more complex than the non-presuppositional alternative.

Presupposition projection sites, following @cite{van-der-sandt-1992}.

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      AvoidA (Avoid Accommodation): counts accommodated discourse markers. 0 = bound (no accommodation needed), n = n markers accommodated.

      Captures @cite{van-der-sandt-1992}'s preference for binding over accommodation and @cite{geurts-1995}'s preference (i).

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        BeStrong: ranks by logical strength of the resulting interpretation. Lower values = stronger interpretation.

        Captures @cite{geurts-1995}'s preference (ii): prefer higher accommodation sites (which yield stronger interpretations).

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          Presupposition: "Peter has a cat" (triggered by "his cat"). Context: empty (∅). No antecedent provides a cat. All three sites require accommodation (no binding possible).

          The input form for example (18). Only one form (the presuppositional sentence). The competition is among interpretations (projection sites).

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              Generator: one form, three projection sites.

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                Constraint profile: [AvoidA, BeStrong]. All three sites require accommodation (AvoidA = 1). Strength: global (0) > intermediate (1) > local (2).

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                  Example (18): AvoidA is tied (all sites accommodate), so BeStrong is decisive. Global accommodation wins (strongest interpretation).

                  Presupposition: "Peter has a cat" (triggered by "his cat"). Context: empty (∅), but the antecedent introduces "Peter has a cat". At the intermediate site, the presupposition can be BOUND (factored) against the antecedent — no accommodation needed.

                  Generator for example (19).

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                        Constraint profile for example (19): [AvoidA, BeStrong]. Intermediate: binding possible → AvoidA = 0. Local and global: accommodation required → AvoidA = 1. Strength: global (0) > intermediate (1) > local (2).

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                          Example (19): AvoidA is decisive — intermediate projection allows binding (0 violations) while local and global require accommodation. BeStrong is irrelevant since AvoidA already discriminates.

                          @cite{blutner-2000} example (25): "He had an accident. ??The car hit him." vs "He had an accident. A car hit him."

                          "The car" triggers the presupposition that there is a unique salient car.
                          "A car" does not trigger this presupposition.
                          
                          Starting from a neutral context (no car introduced), both sentences
                          achieve the same context change — but "the car" requires accommodation
                          while "a car" does not. The Q-principle blocks accommodation of "the car"
                          because the simpler alternative "a car" achieves the same effect. 
                          

                          Two forms: the presuppositional definite and the indefinite.

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                              The shared meaning (same context change result).

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                                  Generator: both forms map to the same meaning.

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                                    Profile: [FormComplexity, AccommodationCost]. The definite requires accommodation (more complex pragmatically); the indefinite does not.

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                                      Q-principle blocks the definite: the indefinite achieves the same meaning with fewer violations. The definite form is blocked (pragmatically anomalous) in neutral contexts.

                                      This is a Q-principle effect: the definite is blocked because a competing form (indefinite) with the same meaning is better.

                                      @cite{blutner-2000}'s projection sites correspond to the accommodation levels in Semantics.Presupposition.Accommodation. The bridge makes explicit that Blutner's OT analysis operates over the same site taxonomy as the Heim/Lewis/van der Sandt tradition.