@cite{zuraw-2010}: Factorial Typology of Nasal Substitution #
Formalizes the factorial typology of Tagalog-style nasal substitution from @cite{zuraw-2010} (NLLT 28: 417–472). When a nasal-final prefix (e.g. maŋ-) is concatenated with an obstruent-initial stem, the nasal and the obstruent may coalesce into a single nasal retaining the place of the latter:
maŋ+bigáj→mamigáj'to distribute' (nasal substitution = YES)paŋ+tabój→pantabój'to goad' (faithful cluster = NO)
Constraint set #
Six constraints drive the typology:
- *NC (markedness): penalizes all nasal + obstruent clusters
- *NC̥ (markedness): penalizes nasal + voiceless obstruent clusters
- *ASSOC (markedness): penalizes multiple association (coalescence)
- *[ŋ, *[n, *[m (markedness, stringent hierarchy): penalizes stem-initial nasals resulting from coalescence, with *[m most inclusive (penalizes all nasals) and *[ŋ least inclusive (penalizes velar only)
The stringent [N hierarchy is defined following Prince's (1997) stringency theory: "[n" means "a stem must not begin with n or a backer nasal", so *[n penalizes both n and ŋ but not m. Similarly, *[m penalizes m, n, and ŋ (all nasals).
Factorial typology #
With 6 constraints, there are 720 rankings generating exactly 10 distinct substitution patterns over 6 stem-initial consonants {p, t, k, b, d, g}. The 10 patterns satisfy two implicational universals:
- Voicing effect: if a voiced C undergoes substitution, the voiceless C at the same place also does (e.g., b→YES implies p→YES).
- Place effect: if a backer C undergoes substitution, all fronter Cs also do (within voicing class: k→t→p and g→d→b). Labials are easiest to substitute (least *[N cost), velars hardest (most *[N cost).
Dictionary data #
@cite{zuraw-2010}'s Tagalog dictionary counts confirm the voicing effect: voiceless stems show higher substitution rates than voiced stems at the labial place (p: 253/263 vs b: 177/277).
*NC: penalizes all nasal + obstruent sequences. Violated by NO (the faithful output preserves the NC cluster).
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*NC̥: penalizes nasal + voiceless obstruent sequences. Violated by NO for voiceless stems only.
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*ASSOC: penalizes multiple association (coalescence). Violated by YES for all stems. On this 6-consonant domain, *ASSOC has the same violation profile as *[m (both assign 1 to every YES candidate). They remain distinct constraints because they encode different linguistic generalizations and their co-presence affects factorial percentages.
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*[ŋ: "A stem must not begin with ŋ or a backer nasal." Least inclusive member of the stringent *[N hierarchy. Violated by YES for velar stems only (coalescence yields ŋ).
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*[n: "A stem must not begin with n or a backer nasal." Middle member of the stringent *[N hierarchy. Violated by YES for coronal and velar stems (coalescence yields n or ŋ, both at or backer than n).
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*[m: "A stem must not begin with m or a backer nasal." Most inclusive member of the stringent *[N hierarchy. Violated by YES for all stems (coalescence always yields a nasal, and every nasal is m or backer).
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The six constraints forming the factorial typology.
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The stringent [N hierarchy assigns increasing violation counts to nasals at backer places: labial m incurs 1 violation ([m only), coronal n incurs 2 (*[n + [m), velar ŋ incurs 3 ([ŋ + *[n + *[m). This makes labials easiest to substitute and velars hardest.
*ASSOC and *[m have identical violation profiles on the 6-consonant domain (both penalize every YES candidate).
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- Phenomena.PhonologicalAlternation.Studies.Zuraw2010.instBEqSubPattern.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Determine whether YES wins over NO for a given consonant under a ranking.
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Extract the substitution pattern for a given ranking.
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All distinct substitution patterns generated by the factorial typology.
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The factorial typology generates exactly 10 language types (Table 5).
Pattern a: no substitution for any consonant.
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Pattern b: substitution for labial voiceless only (p). Attested in Da'a (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern c: substitution for both labials (p, b). Attested in Wolio (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern d: substitution for voiceless labial + coronal (p, t). Attested in Balantak (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern e: substitution for p, t, b. Attested in Toba Batak (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern f: substitution for p, t, b, d. Attested in Cebuano (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern g: substitution for all voiceless (p, t, k). Attested in Bolaang Mongondow (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern h: substitution for p, t, k, b. Attested in Ratahan (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern i: substitution for p, t, k, b, d. Attested in Pendau (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Pattern j: substitution for all consonants. Attested in Tagalog, Indonesian, Malay (@cite{zuraw-2010} Table 5).
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Voicing effect: for every pattern in the typology, if a voiced consonant undergoes substitution then its voiceless counterpart does too. E.g., b→YES implies p→YES.
Place effect (voiceless): among voiceless consonants, if a backer place undergoes substitution then all fronter places do too. k→YES implies t→YES implies p→YES.
Place effect (voiced): among voiced consonants, if a backer place undergoes substitution then all fronter places do too. g→YES implies d→YES implies b→YES.
The voicing and place effects together imply that if g undergoes substitution, every other consonant does too (pattern j is the only pattern where g = YES).
Count how many of the 720 rankings produce substitution for consonant c.
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Factorial percentage of rankings favoring substitution for each consonant. The percentages strictly decrease from labials to velars within each voicing class, and voiceless > voiced at each place. Values match @cite{zuraw-2010} footnote 17.
The factorial percentages as fractions of 720 total rankings: p=50%, t=40%, k=33⅓%, b=33⅓%, d=25%, g=20%.
Place monotonicity: the factorial percentage strictly decreases from labial to velar within each voicing class.
Voicing monotonicity: voiceless substitution percentage is at least as high as voiced at every place.
Tagalog exhibits nasal substitution for all six consonants,
corresponding to pattern j — the maximal substitution pattern.
This is consistent with @cite{zuraw-2010}'s analysis where
Tagalog's grammar ranks both *NC and *NC̥ above all anti-substitution
constraints. The Tagalog fragment in Fragments.Tagalog.Phonology
models the probabilistic (gradient) version of this pattern using
@cite{magri-2025}'s MaxEnt analysis.