Staňková & Šimík (2024): Negation in Czech Polar Questions #
@cite{stankova-2025} @cite{gartner-gyuris-2017} @cite{simik-2024}
Experimental data from three naturalness judgment experiments on negation in Czech polar questions (Staňková & Šimík, FASL 32 / JSL 33).
Main experiment (§5) #
2×2×2 within-subjects design manipulating:
- Verb position: V1 (interrogative) vs nonV1 (declarative)
- Indefinite: NCI (žádný) vs PPI (nějaký)
- Context: negative (implying ¬p) vs neutral
75 native Czech speakers, Likert 1–7, 32 items (4 per condition).
Key findings #
- FALSUM is preferred in V1 (interrogative) PQs — PPIs preferred over NCIs
- Declarative word order (nonV1) is preferred in negatively biased contexts
- Czech FALSUM is compatible with any type of evidential bias (positive, negative, neutral) — broader than English
- The particle náhodou is licensed by FALSUM — PPIs preferred (§6.1)
- The particle copak requires contextual evidence — biased contexts preferred (§6.2)
A Cumulative Link Mixed Model (CLMM) regression result. z-values stored as Int × 1000 for precision without Float.
- name : String
Human-readable effect name
- z1000 : ℤ
z-value × 1000 (e.g., -15674 = z = -15.674)
- significant : Bool
Whether the effect is statistically significant
- pThreshold : String
p-value threshold (as string for display)
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.instBEqCLMMEffect.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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Whether a CLMM effect's z-value is positive (higher ratings in the first level of the factor).
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- e.isPositive = decide (e.z1000 > 0)
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Whether a CLMM effect's z-value is negative.
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- e.isNegative = decide (e.z1000 < 0)
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V1: Main effect of INDEFINITE (NCI < PPI). PPIs (nějaký) are significantly more natural than NCIs (žádný) in V1 PQs. z = −15.674, p < .001.
Interpretation: V1 negation is interpreted as FALSUM (outer negation), which licenses PPIs but blocks NCIs.
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.v1_indefinite = { name := "V1: INDEFINITE", z1000 := -15674, significant := true, pThreshold := "< .001" }
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V1: Main effect of CONTEXT (not significant). z = −1.374, p = 0.169.
Interpretation: FALSUM/outer negation is insensitive to contextual evidence — V1 PQs are equally natural in negative and neutral contexts. This is because FALSUM conveys epistemic bias (speaker's possibility assessment), not evidential bias.
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.v1_context = { name := "V1: CONTEXT", z1000 := -1374, significant := false, pThreshold := "= 0.169" }
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V1: CONTEXT × INDEFINITE interaction. z = 2.933, p < 0.01.
Post-hoc: the effect of INDEFINITE is more pronounced in neutral contexts. Simple effect of CONTEXT within PPI: z = −3.522, p < .001. Simple effect of CONTEXT within NCI: z = 1.104, p = .27 (n.s.).
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.v1_interaction = { name := "V1: CONTEXT × INDEFINITE", z1000 := 2933, significant := true, pThreshold := "< 0.01" }
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Post-hoc: V1, simple effect of CONTEXT within PPI level. z = −3.522, p < .001. PPI V1 PQs are more natural in neutral context.
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.v1_context_within_ppi = { name := "V1: CONTEXT | PPI", z1000 := -3522, significant := true, pThreshold := "< .001" }
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Post-hoc: V1, simple effect of CONTEXT within NCI level. z = 1.104, p = .27 (not significant).
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.v1_context_within_nci = { name := "V1: CONTEXT | NCI", z1000 := 1104, significant := false, pThreshold := "= .27" }
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nonV1: Main effect of CONTEXT. Negative contexts rated significantly more natural than neutral contexts. z = 8.674, p < 0.01.
Interpretation: nonV1 (declarative) PQs are sensitive to evidential bias and preferred in negatively biased contexts.
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.nonV1_context = { name := "nonV1: CONTEXT", z1000 := 8674, significant := true, pThreshold := "< 0.01" }
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nonV1: Main effect of INDEFINITE (NCI > PPI). NCIs (žádný) rated higher than PPIs (nějaký) in nonV1 PQs. z = 6.208, p < 0.01.
Interpretation: inner negation (Op¬) is the preferred reading for nonV1, licensing NCIs.
Equations
- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.nonV1_indefinite = { name := "nonV1: INDEFINITE", z1000 := 6208, significant := true, pThreshold := "< 0.01" }
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V1 PQs: PPIs preferred over NCIs → outer (FALSUM) is the reading.
V1 PQs: No effect of context → FALSUM is insensitive to evidential bias.
nonV1 PQs: Negative context preferred → sensitive to evidential bias.
nonV1 PQs: NCIs preferred → inner negation is the default reading.
The key asymmetry: V1 is CONTEXT-insensitive (FALSUM = epistemic bias), nonV1 is CONTEXT-sensitive (inner neg = evidential bias).
This matches @cite{stankova-2025}'s claim that inner negation requires contextual evidence while outer negation (FALSUM) does not, and confirms the VerbPosition.requiresContextualEvidence classification.
V1 forces outer negation. Confirmed by experiment: PPIs strongly preferred in V1 PQs, and only outer negation licenses PPIs.
nonV1 defaults to inner negation. Confirmed by experiment: NCIs preferred in nonV1 PQs, and only inner negation licenses NCIs.
Context sensitivity matches VerbPosition classification.
Czech FALSUM with positive evidential bias.
In a subexperiment, V1 PQs were tested in contexts with positive evidence for p (e.g., Eva winning first place → "Didn't Eva win a prize?"). Median rating = 6 (biased) vs 5 (neutral), Likert 1–7.
This confirms Czech outer negation (FALSUM) is compatible with positive evidential bias, unlike English HiNQs.
- medianBiased : ℕ
Median rating in positively biased context
- medianNeutral : ℕ
Median rating in neutral context
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- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.positiveEvidence = { medianBiased := 6, medianNeutral := 5 }
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V1 PQs with positive evidence rated at least as natural as neutral.
Czech FALSUM compatible with all three evidence types (positive, negative, neutral). This matches the broad distribution of InterNPQ in @cite{simik-2024}'s bias profile table.
náhodou subexperiment: 2×2 design (Context × Indefinite). All V1 PQs with náhodou. 8 items.
Tests whether náhodou requires FALSUM (outer negation). If so, PPIs (nějaký) should be preferred over NCIs (žádný), because FALSUM licenses PPIs but not NCIs.
náhodou: Main effect of INDEFINITE (NCI < PPI). PPIs strongly preferred with náhodou. z = −12.845, p < .001.
Interpretation: náhodou requires FALSUM, which only licenses PPIs. "based on this we suggest that náhodou could be used as an overt indicator of the covert FALSUM operator" (S&Š §6.1).
Equations
- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.nahodou_indefinite = { name := "náhodou: INDEFINITE", z1000 := -12845, significant := true, pThreshold := "< .001" }
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náhodou requires FALSUM: confirmed by PPI preference.
náhodou's INDEFINITE effect is in the same direction as V1's, confirming both involve FALSUM (outer negation).
copak subexperiment: 2×2 design (Context × PQ Polarity).
- CONTEXT: biased (matching polarity) vs neutral
- PQ POLARITY: positive (copak + PPI) vs negative (copak + ne- + NCI)
For positive PQs: biased context has evidence for ¬p, speaker believed p. For negative PQs: biased context has evidence for p, speaker believed ¬p. In both cases, copak expresses surprise at the evidence conflicting with the speaker's prior belief.
copak: Main effect of CONTEXT. Biased contexts significantly more natural than neutral. z = 9.372, p < .001.
Interpretation: copak requires a conflict between speaker's prior belief and current contextual evidence (evidential bias). "copak is a particle which is used to express speaker's surprise about the current contextual evidence" (S&Š §6.2).
Equations
- Phenomena.Negation.Studies.StankovaSimik2024.Data.copak_context = { name := "copak: CONTEXT", z1000 := 9372, significant := true, pThreshold := "< .001" }
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copak requires evidential bias (biased context).
náhodou vs copak: opposite context sensitivity.
- náhodou (FALSUM-tied): context-insensitive. FALSUM conveys epistemic bias regardless of contextual evidence — V1 PQs are equally natural in any evidential context.
- copak (evidential-bias-tied): context-sensitive. Requires a biased context where speaker's prior belief conflicts with evidence.
This confirms they express different types of bias: náhodou → epistemic bias; copak → evidential bias. (@cite{stankova-2025} §6)
The V1 context insensitivity and náhodou's FALSUM requirement converge: both reflect that outer negation (FALSUM) is an epistemic-bias phenomenon, not an evidential-bias phenomenon. Conversely, nonV1 context sensitivity and copak's context requirement both reflect evidential bias sensitivity.
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