Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Negation.Studies.Stakov2026

Czech Three-Way Negation in Polar Questions #

@cite{stankova-2025} @cite{zeijlstra-2004} @cite{romero-2024}

Core empirical data for Staňková (2026), who proposes that negation in Czech occupies three distinct LF positions in polar questions:

PositionLF siteScopene- > PPINCInáhodouještěfakt
innerTPnarrow
medialModPwide
outerPolPwidest

The three readings differ in (i) licensing conditions on polarity/concord items, (ii) compatibility with particles náhodou 'by chance', ještě 'yet', fakt 'really', (iii) scope relative to the evidential bias modal □_ev, and (iv) syntactic/prosodic encoding (word order and focus).

Module Structure #

This file contains per-cell verification theorems and scope generalizations. The core types (NegPosition, Diagnostic, licenses) are in Theories.Semantics.Negation.CzechNegation. Cross-linguistic bridges to @cite{romero-2024}, @cite{simik-2024}, verb position, and bias profiles are in CzechThreeWayNeg.Typology.

Each cell of Table 1 gets its own theorem. Changing any single entry in licenses breaks exactly one theorem — maximum interconnection density.

The Boolean signature of a negation position across all five diagnostics.

Equations
  • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For

    Only inner negation licenses NCIs — because only inner negation is in the scope domain of the Agree relation. NCIs must be c-commanded by ¬ at LF. Medial and outer negation are too high.

    Only outer negation licenses náhodou — because náhodou modifies the ordering source of the epistemic possibility contributed by FALSUM, including less stereotypical worlds (Staňková §2.2.1).

    Inner negation does not outscope PPIs — PPIs like nějaký must outscope ¬, but inner negation has narrow scope (within TP). So PPIs in the scope of inner negation yield infelicity.