Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Negation.Studies.Greco2020

Phase-Based Analysis of Surprise Negation #

@cite{greco-2020} @cite{chomsky-2001}

Greco, M. (2020). On the syntax of surprise negation sentences: A case study on expletive negation. NLLT 38(3), 775–825.

Overview #

Surprise negation (Sneg) arises when a negative morpheme merges in the CP layer rather than in the standard TP-internal NegP position. Greco's analysis rests on four factors:

  1. A negative morpheme α exists in the language
  2. α is a syntactic head (X°), not a phrase (XP)
  3. α merges in the CP phase after vP-phase exhaustion (Transfer)
  4. TP is focused (moves to Spec-FocP)

The head requirement (2) explains why Italian (non, X°) has Sneg but Spanish (no, XP) does not: only heads can merge directly into the functional spine without projecting their own phrase. The phase-based account (3) explains why Sneg negation is non-truth-conditional: by the time the neg head merges, the vP complement has been transferred to LF, so the negation cannot scope into the propositional content.

Connections #

Where a negation head is merged in the extended projection. Standard NegP is in the inflectional domain (F2, between v and C). In surprise negation, non merges in the CP layer (F3+, between Fin and Foc).

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      A category is in the CP area iff its f-value is at or above Fin (F3). @cite{rizzi-1997}: Fin is the boundary between the inflectional domain and the left periphery.

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        Fin (F3) is the boundary (inclusive — it's the lowest CP head).

        Whether a Neg head at this merge position can scope into the vP domain. Under weak PIC: vP complement is accessible until the NEXT phase head (C) is merged. Standard NegP (F2) is merged before C, so vP is still accessible. CP-area Neg is merged during/after C-phase assembly, when vP complement has been transferred.

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          @cite{greco-2020}: four necessary conditions for surprise negation. (i) a negative morpheme α, (ii) α is a syntactic head (X°), (iii) α merges in the CP-phase after vP-phase exhaustion, (iv) TP is focused (moves to Spec-FocP).

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                  Italian satisfies all four Sneg conditions.

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                    Spanish fails condition (ii): no is XP, not X°.

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                      Sneg attestation datum: links a language's negation profile to whether surprise negation is attested.

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                              Greco's prediction: Snegs are attested only when negIsHead = true.

                              Converse: head-status neg predicts Sneg availability (in our sample).

                              The Italian Sneg attestation derives its head status from the NegationProfile, not by stipulation.

                              The Spanish Sneg attestation derives its head status from the NegationProfile.

                              The f-value boundary: anything at F3+ (CP area) is above the inflectional domain where standard NegP resides.

                              The merge position determines scope: TP-area neg is truth-conditional, CP-area neg is non-truth-conditional. This is consistent: CP-area maps to high EN, TP-area maps to low EN.