A judgment about a Farsi yek-i DP sentence.
- farsi : String
The Farsi sentence
- gloss : String
English gloss
- translation : String
English translation
- contextType : String
The context type
The modal flavor (if any)
- primaryReading : String
Primary reading
- freeChoiceAvailable : Bool
Is free choice available?
- modalVariationAvailable : Bool
Is modal variation available?
- uniqueness : Bool
Is uniqueness conveyed?
- exampleNum : String
Source example number
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Root Contexts: Uniqueness #
In root contexts without modals, yek-i DPs convey uniqueness: "exactly one individual satisfies the predicate"
This is not a free choice reading; there's no permission or epistemic possibility. The uniqueness is part of the core meaning.
Alonso-Ovalle & Moghiseh argue this comes from exhaustification of domain alternatives (pre-exhaustified), conveying that for most individuals, the predicate does not hold.
Example (15): Root context with uniqueness
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Deontic Modals: Free Choice Effect #
Under deontic modals (permission), yek-i DPs yield free choice: "for each individual, it is permitted to VP"
Example: "You may take one of the apples" Reading: You may take this apple, you may take that apple, etc.
Example (17): Deontic free choice
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Deontic context with books
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Epistemic Modals: Modal Variation Effect #
Under epistemic modals, yek-i DPs yield modal variation: "at least two individuals are epistemically possible"
Example: "One of the students might have stolen the book" Reading: It's possible it was this student, it's possible it was that student...
This is weaker than free choice: not every individual is a possibility, but at least two are.
Example (22): Epistemic modal variation
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Epistemic with explicit modal
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DE Contexts: Plain Existential #
In downward-entailing contexts (negation, antecedent of conditional), yek-i DPs behave as plain existentials (like English "any"):
"I didn't see one of the students" = "I didn't see any student"
DE context: negation
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DE context: conditional antecedent
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Cross-linguistic Contrast: Yek-i vs Irgendein #
An empirical contrast from the paper:
German irgendein in root contexts has a modal component:
- "Irgendjemand hat angerufen" = "Somebody (or other) called"
- Speaker conveys epistemic uncertainty/indifference
Farsi yek-i in root contexts has no modal component:
- "Yek-i zæng zæd" = "Exactly one person called"
- No epistemic uncertainty, just uniqueness
This contrast motivates the typology of rescue mechanisms:
- Irgendein: can insert covert epistemic modal → rescues in root
- Yek-i: cannot insert covert modal → uniqueness only
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German irgendein: modal component
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Farsi yek-i: no modal component
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Romanian vreun: ungrammatical in root
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Embedded Uniqueness #
A distinctive feature of yek-i: uniqueness is preserved even under modals.
"You may take one of the apples" conveys:
- Free choice: for each apple, you may take it.
- Uniqueness: but only take one apple total.
This embedded uniqueness comes from exhaustification happening below the modal.
Embedded uniqueness with explicit continuation
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All yek-i examples
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All EFCI contrast data
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- Phenomena.FreeChoice.FarsiYekI.instBEqEFCIType.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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EFCI typology data
- efciType : EFCIType
The EFCI type
- language : String
Example language
- item : String
The item
- canInsertModal : Bool
Can insert covert modal?
- canPartialExh : Bool
Can do partial exhaustification?
- grammaticalInRoot : Bool
Grammatical in root contexts?
- rootReading : String
Root context reading
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vreun-type: neither rescue
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irgendein-type: modal insertion
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yek-i-type: partial exhaustification only
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Full EFCI typology