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Linglib.Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Data

Modal Concord Data — @cite{rotter-liu-2025} #

@cite{rotter-liu-2025} @cite{zeijlstra-2007}

Empirical data from "A Register Approach to Modal Non-Concord in English: An Experimental Study of Linguistic and Social Meaning."

Key finding #

Stacked necessity modals (must have to VP) yield a single-necessity reading (concord), not the compositionally expected double-necessity. The stacked form receives intermediate formality ratings (between must and have to) and carries social meaning (perceived as less educated, non-standard dialect).

Experiments #

Experimental conditions: the three modal constructions under study.

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      Dimensions of social meaning measured in Experiment 2.

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          A Likert-scale rating (mean on a 7-point scale).

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              Experiment 1: Formality and Meaning Strength #

              76 native English speakers rated sentences on 7-point Likert scales for formality and meaning strength (paraphrase matching with have to).

              Experiment 1 formality ratings (7-point Likert, 1=very informal, 7=very formal). F(2, 140.09) = 54.0, p < .001. All pairwise comparisons significant after Bonferroni correction.

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                Experiment 1 meaning strength ratings (7-point Likert). "How well does [have to paraphrase] capture the meaning of the sentence?" F(2, 140.28) = 6.5, p < .01. Post-hoc: only have to vs must have to significant (p = .003); neither differs reliably from must.

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                  Key Experiment 1 empirical generalizations #

                  Formality gradient: must > must_have_to > have_to. All three pairwise comparisons significant after Bonferroni correction.

                  Intermediate formality: The stacked form is strictly between the two single-modal forms. This is the key prediction of the register approach (@cite{rotter-liu-2025} §4) and is NOT predicted by the syntactic agreement approach, which treats one modal as semantically vacuous.

                  Meaning strength comparable: All three conditions receive high meaning ratings (above scale midpoint 4), indicating concord (single necessity) rather than double necessity.

                  No reliable meaning difference between must and must_have_to: Post-hoc comparison not significant. The concord reading (single necessity) is the dominant interpretation.

                  Experiment 2: Social Meaning #

                  89 native English speakers rated the speaker (not the sentence) on four social dimensions after hearing sentences in each condition.

                  Experiment 2 social meaning ratings (7-point Likert).

                  Significant effects:

                  • Educated: F(2, 175.22) = 5.0, p = .008
                  • Standard dialect: F(2, 175.20) = 12.32, p < .001

                  Non-significant effects:

                  • Friendly: F(2, 174.96) = 2.1, p = .13
                  • Attractive: F(2, 175.23) = 1.2, p = .30
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                    Key Experiment 2 empirical generalizations #

                    Education effect: must speakers perceived as more educated than must have to speakers. Post-hoc: must vs must_have_to significant.

                    Social meaning is selective: Education and dialect show effects (> 0.4 point spread), while friendliness and attractiveness do not. Register mixing affects perceived competence, not warmth.

                    Cross-cutting empirical generalizations #