Modal Concord Data — @cite{rotter-liu-2025} #
@cite{rotter-liu-2025} @cite{zeijlstra-2007}
Empirical data from "A Register Approach to Modal Non-Concord in English: An Experimental Study of Linguistic and Social Meaning."
Key finding #
Stacked necessity modals (must have to VP) yield a single-necessity reading (concord), not the compositionally expected double-necessity. The stacked form receives intermediate formality ratings (between must and have to) and carries social meaning (perceived as less educated, non-standard dialect).
Experiments #
- Experiment 1 (n=76): Formality and meaning strength ratings on a 7-point Likert scale for three conditions: must VP, have to VP, must have to VP.
- Experiment 2 (n=89): Social meaning ratings (educated, standard dialect, friendly, attractive) for speakers of each condition.
Equations
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.instBEqCondition.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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Dimensions of social meaning measured in Experiment 2.
- educated : SocialDimension
- standardDialect : SocialDimension
- friendly : SocialDimension
- attractive : SocialDimension
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A Likert-scale rating (mean on a 7-point scale).
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Experiment 1: Formality and Meaning Strength #
76 native English speakers rated sentences on 7-point Likert scales for formality and meaning strength (paraphrase matching with have to).
Experiment 1 formality ratings (7-point Likert, 1=very informal, 7=very formal). F(2, 140.09) = 54.0, p < .001. All pairwise comparisons significant after Bonferroni correction.
Equations
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.formalityRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.must = { mean := 478 / 100, sd := 124 / 100 }
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.formalityRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.haveTo = { mean := 362 / 100, sd := 120 / 100 }
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.formalityRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.mustHaveTo = { mean := 413 / 100, sd := 118 / 100 }
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Experiment 1 meaning strength ratings (7-point Likert). "How well does [have to paraphrase] capture the meaning of the sentence?" F(2, 140.28) = 6.5, p < .01. Post-hoc: only have to vs must have to significant (p = .003); neither differs reliably from must.
Equations
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.meaningRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.must = { mean := 518 / 100, sd := 145 / 100 }
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.meaningRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.haveTo = { mean := 543 / 100, sd := 122 / 100 }
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.meaningRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.mustHaveTo = { mean := 486 / 100, sd := 156 / 100 }
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Key Experiment 1 empirical generalizations #
Formality gradient: must > must_have_to > have_to. All three pairwise comparisons significant after Bonferroni correction.
Intermediate formality: The stacked form is strictly between the two single-modal forms. This is the key prediction of the register approach (@cite{rotter-liu-2025} §4) and is NOT predicted by the syntactic agreement approach, which treats one modal as semantically vacuous.
Meaning strength comparable: All three conditions receive high meaning ratings (above scale midpoint 4), indicating concord (single necessity) rather than double necessity.
No reliable meaning difference between must and must_have_to: Post-hoc comparison not significant. The concord reading (single necessity) is the dominant interpretation.
Experiment 2: Social Meaning #
89 native English speakers rated the speaker (not the sentence) on four social dimensions after hearing sentences in each condition.
Experiment 2 social meaning ratings (7-point Likert).
Significant effects:
- Educated: F(2, 175.22) = 5.0, p = .008
- Standard dialect: F(2, 175.20) = 12.32, p < .001
Non-significant effects:
- Friendly: F(2, 174.96) = 2.1, p = .13
- Attractive: F(2, 175.23) = 1.2, p = .30
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.socialRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.must Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.SocialDimension.educated = { mean := 490 / 100, sd := 112 / 100 }
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.socialRating Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.Condition.haveTo Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.SocialDimension.educated = { mean := 449 / 100, sd := 116 / 100 }
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.socialRating x✝ Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.SocialDimension.friendly = { mean := 442 / 100, sd := 107 / 100 }
- Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.socialRating x✝ Phenomena.Modality.ModalConcord.SocialDimension.attractive = { mean := 377 / 100, sd := 112 / 100 }
Key Experiment 2 empirical generalizations #
Education effect: must speakers perceived as more educated than must have to speakers. Post-hoc: must vs must_have_to significant.
Dialect standardness gradient: must > have_to > must_have_to. Post-hoc: must vs have_to and must vs must_have_to both significant.
Social meaning is selective: Education and dialect show effects (> 0.4 point spread), while friendliness and attractiveness do not. Register mixing affects perceived competence, not warmth.
Cross-cutting empirical generalizations #
Concord with social cost: must have to preserves the meaning of single-modal necessity (comparable meaning ratings) while incurring a social cost (lower education and dialect ratings).