Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Modality.EpistemicEvidentiality

Epistemic Evidentiality — Empirical Data #

@cite{kratzer-1991} @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2010} @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2021}

Theory-neutral empirical observations about the interaction between epistemic necessity modals (English must, have to) and evidential source.

Key Generalizations #

  1. Epistemic must is infelicitous when the speaker has direct evidence for the prejacent (seeing rain → "#It must be raining")
  2. Epistemic must is felicitous when the speaker has indirect evidence (seeing wet rain gear → "It must be raining")
  3. Despite (1), must φ entails the bare prejacent φ — must is not semantically weak, just evidentially restricted
  4. Can't patterns with must, not with weak modals (might, perhaps)

The Strength Ordering (p. 352) #

must > almost certainly > presumably > might > bare prejacent (?)

The placement of the bare prejacent is Karttunen's Problem:

The type of evidence the speaker has for the prejacent.

  • direct : EvidenceType

    Direct sensory observation (seeing, hearing).

  • indirect : EvidenceType

    Indirect inference from observable effects.

  • elimination : EvidenceType

    Elimination reasoning (ruling out alternatives).

  • reported : EvidenceType

    Reported / hearsay evidence.

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      A minimal pair comparing a bare prejacent with its modalized counterpart.

      • bare : String

        The bare prejacent sentence

      • must : String

        The must-sentence

      • context : String

        Evidential context (what the speaker perceives)

      • evidenceType : EvidenceType

        Type of evidence available

      • bareFelicitous : Bool

        Is the bare sentence felicitous in this context?

      • mustFelicitous : Bool

        Is the must-sentence felicitous in this context?

      • mustEntailsPrejacent : Bool

        Does must φ entail φ (speaker judgment on inference validity)?

      • exampleNum : String

        Source example number from @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2010}

      • notes : String

        Additional notes

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          VF&G ex. 3: "John left" vs. "John must have left." The must-sentence "expresses more conviction" yet is felt to be weaker.

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            VF&G ex. 4: "John must be at home" vs. "John is at home."

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              VF&G ex. 5: "She climbed Mount Toby" vs. "She must have climbed Mount Toby."

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                VF&G ex. 2 (Karttunen's Problem stated as question-answer): "They must be in the kitchen drawer" conveys less confidence as an answer to "Where are the keys?" than the bare "They are in the kitchen drawer."

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                  VF&G ex. 6: DIRECT evidence (seeing rain) blocks must.

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                    VF&G ex. 7: INDIRECT evidence (wet gear, rain is only cause) enables must.

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                      VF&G ex. 12 (Argument 4.2.1): Elimination reasoning — Chris's ball. Must is perfectly felicitous and feels strong, not weak.

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                        VF&G Argument 4.2.2: Billy sees wet gear, knows rain is only cause. The prejacent is entailed ex hypothesi, yet must is felicitous. Pattern: B_K entails the prejacent but the kernel doesn't directly settle it — the gap that licenses must.

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                          A datum capturing an inference pattern (modus ponens, contradiction, etc.).

                          • sentences : List String

                            The inference pattern or sentences involved

                          • judgment : String

                            Is the inference valid / the pattern contradictory?

                          • exampleNum : String

                            Source example number from @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2010}

                          • notes : String

                            What this shows about must's strength

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                              VF&G ex. 14–15 (Argument 4.3.1): Modus ponens with must is valid. If must were weak, the premises would be too weak for the conclusion.

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                                VF&G ex. 16 (Argument 4.3.2): Must-perhaps contradiction. If must φ were compatible with ¬φ, this should be fine. It isn't.

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                                  VF&G ex. 17–19 (Argument 4.3.3): Must doesn't allow retraction. Weak modals (might, ought) do.

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                                    VF&G ex. 17 (contrast): Might DOES allow retraction.

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                                      VF&G ex. 20 (Argument 4.3.4): When hedging is desired, speakers choose probably, not must. If must were weak, it should be the natural hedge.

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                                        VF&G ex. 21: "Can't" carries the evidential signal; bare negation doesn't.

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                                          VF&G ex. 23: Direct evidence blocks can't, paralleling must.

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                                            VF&G ex. 24: Indirect evidence enables can't, paralleling must.

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                                              VF&G ex. 22: The "Hey! Wait a minute" test diagnoses a presupposition. Billy challenges Alex's use of must, targeting the evidential component.

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                                                VF&G ex. 26: "I must be hungry" — odd because hunger is typically known by direct introspection, not indirect inference.

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                                                  @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2021} ex. 5a/22: Can't φ is incompatible with "it's possible that φ." The flat-footed conjunction is incoherent.

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                                                    @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2021} ex. 6/10: Must doesn't combine with only — evidence for top-of-scale status, not weakness.

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                                                      @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2021} ex. 24: Anti-knowledge — Phil cooking dinner. Direct knowledge makes must infelicitous even without perceptual evidence.

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                                                        @cite{von-fintel-gillies-2021} ex. 25: Anti-knowledge — Meryl's indirect knowledge. Meryl hasn't checked everything herself, so must is fine.

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                                                          All minimal pairs.

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                                                            All inference data.

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                                                              Key generalization 3: Must always entails the prejacent (in every minimal pair, regardless of evidence type).

                                                              Key generalization 4: Bare prejacent is always felicitous (the felicity restriction is specific to must, not to the content).

                                                              All VF&G evidence types map to nonfuture evidential perspectives: every source's perspective has isNonfuture = true.