Modal Indefinites: Cross-Linguistic Data #
@cite{alonso-ovalle-menendez-benito-2010} @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} @cite{kratzer-shimoyama-2002b} @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2021} @cite{chierchia-2013} @cite{jayez-tovena-2006} @cite{kratzer-shimoyama-2002}
Theory-neutral empirical data on modal indefinites, following @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} "Modal indefinites: Lessons from Chuj."
Definition #
A modal indefinite is an indefinite determiner / DP that conventionally encodes a modal component: beyond existential quantification, it conveys that any domain member could have been the witness (modal variation / free choice), or that the speaker doesn't know which individual satisfies the predicate (epistemic ignorance), or that any choice is permitted (random choice).
Three Dimensions of Variation (§6) #
- Status: Is the modal component at-issue (part of assertive content) or not-at-issue (presupposed / conventionally implicated)?
- Content: Which modal flavors does the component support? (Epistemic, random choice / circumstantial, or both.)
- Upper-boundedness: Does the indefinite impose an anti-singleton inference (¬∀x[P(x) → Q(x)])?
Chuj yalnhej: at-issue, epistemic + random choice, not upper-bounded, position-sensitive (§6).
External argument → epistemic only. Internal argument / adjunct (volitional) → epistemic or random choice. Internal argument / adjunct (non-volitional) → epistemic only.
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Chuj komon: at-issue random-choice modifier for mass/plural (@cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2021}; cited in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}, §5).
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Spanish algún: not-at-issue, epistemic only, upper-bounded (§6; @cite{alonso-ovalle-menendez-benito-2010}).
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German irgendein: not-at-issue, epistemic + random choice, not upper-bounded (§6). Epistemic in episodic assertions; random choice under deontic modals.
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Spanish uno cualquiera: at-issue, random choice only, upper-bounded (§5–6; @cite{alonso-ovalle-menendez-benito-2010}).
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French n'importe quel: at-issue, random choice only, not upper-bounded (§6; @cite{jayez-tovena-2006}).
Note: at-issue status and non-upper-boundedness are inferred from the cited source; @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} discusses content only.
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Italian un qualsiasi: at-issue, random choice, not upper-bounded (§6; @cite{chierchia-2013}, §5.3.2).
Note: at-issue status and non-upper-boundedness are inferred from the cited source; @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} discusses content only.
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The at-issue / not-at-issue split (§6.1): yalnhej, uno cualquiera are at-issue; algún, irgendein are not-at-issue. (n'importe quel and un qualsiasi classified as at-issue per their respective cited sources.)
Upper-bounded items are a proper subset: only algún and uno cualquiera impose anti-singleton inferences.
Yalnhej is the only item that is both at-issue AND has both epistemic and random choice flavors. This is the core empirical contribution of @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}.
Syntactic positions for a DP in Chuj, cross-classified with verb volitionality (§3–4, Table 5).
The paper shows that RC availability depends on TWO factors: (1) structural position (external vs internal/adjunct), and (2) whether the verb describes a volitional event (one containing a decision subevent that can anchor RC modality).
- externalArg : ChujDPPosition
External argument (subject of transitive)
- internalArgVolitional : ChujDPPosition
Internal argument of a volitional verb (e.g., "buy")
- internalArgNonVolitional : ChujDPPosition
Internal argument of a non-volitional verb (e.g., "like")
- adjunctVolitional : ChujDPPosition
Adjunct of a volitional verb (e.g., "Malin ate where")
- adjunctNonVolitional : ChujDPPosition
Adjunct of a non-volitional verb (e.g., "it rained where")
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Which modal flavors are available to yalnhej in each position (Table 5, §3.2–4.2).
External argument: epistemic only — too high to co-bind with the VP event, so the anchor must project from the assertion (speech event). Internal/adjunct + volitional: both epistemic and RC — the described event has a decision subevent that can anchor normative modality. Internal/adjunct + non-volitional: epistemic only — the described event has no decision subevent, so f(e) cannot yield RC (§4.1, ex.34).
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- Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.yalnhejFlavorsAt Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.ChujDPPosition.externalArg = [Core.Modality.ModalFlavor.epistemic]
- Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.yalnhejFlavorsAt Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.ChujDPPosition.internalArgNonVolitional = [Core.Modality.ModalFlavor.epistemic]
- Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.yalnhejFlavorsAt Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.ChujDPPosition.adjunctVolitional = [Core.Modality.ModalFlavor.epistemic, Core.Modality.ModalFlavor.circumstantial]
- Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.yalnhejFlavorsAt Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data.ChujDPPosition.adjunctNonVolitional = [Core.Modality.ModalFlavor.epistemic]
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External argument restricts to epistemic only (§3.2.1).
Volitional internal argument allows both flavors (§3.2.2).
Non-volitional internal argument restricts to epistemic only (§3.2.2, ex.28/34).
Position sensitivity: external ≠ volitional internal flavor sets.
Volitionality sensitivity: volitional ≠ non-volitional internal flavor sets (§4.1).
A Chuj yalnhej example sentence with empirical judgments.
- chuj : String
Chuj sentence
- gloss : String
English gloss
- position : ChujDPPosition
Syntactic position of the yalnhej DP
- availableFlavors : List Core.Modality.ModalFlavor
Available modal reading(s)
- exampleNumber : String
Example number in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}
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(22)/(3): External argument, epistemic only. "A person or group of people danced at the party, I don't know who (maybe all did)." RC unavailable.
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(31): Internal argument, volitional verb, random choice available. "Xun bought a random book / some random books."
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(34)/(28): Internal argument, non-volitional verb, epistemic only. "Xun liked some dish(es) or other, I don't know which (maybe all)." RC unavailable with non-volitional 'like'.
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(41): Adjunct, volitional verb, random choice available. "Malin ate yalnhej where" = Malin ate at a random place.
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(39): Adjunct, non-volitional verb, epistemic only. "There was rain yalnhej where yesterday" = It rained somewhere, I don't know where. RC unavailable.
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Per-example flavor verification.
Consistency: each example's available flavors match the position-based prediction from yalnhejFlavorsAt.
Yalnhej is compatible with partial-domain scenarios, unlike maximal free relatives (English whatever). A whatever-FR requires every domain member to satisfy the scope; yalnhej does not. This is distinct from upper-boundedness: UB blocks ∀P→Q (anti-singleton), whereas non-maximality merely allows ¬∀P→Q without requiring it.
A maximality datum: a context + Chuj sentence + felicity judgment.
- context : String
Context description
- chuj : String
Chuj sentence
- gloss : String
English gloss
- yalnhejFelicitous : Bool
Whether yalnhej is felicitous in this context
- exampleNumber : String
Example number in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}
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(43)/(44): Partial-domain, RC context. Context: 10 tools on a table; speaker grabbed 3 at random. Yalnhej is felicitous — no maximality requirement.
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(46)/(47): Partial-domain, epistemic context. Context: 10 meals available; speaker ate 5 but doesn't remember which. Yalnhej is felicitous — compatible with not knowing, without requiring all meals to have been eaten.
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Per-datum: both partial-domain examples are felicitous with yalnhej.
All maximality data show yalnhej is felicitous in partial-domain contexts — confirming non-maximality.
Some modal indefinites have "unremarkable" (plain existential) readings in addition to their modal readings. Komon and uno cualquiera can mean just "some" without modal flavor; yalnhej cannot. @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} (§5) correlate this with predicativity: items that can appear in predicative position tend to have unremarkable readings; yalnhej cannot be predicative and correspondingly lacks unremarkable readings.
An unremarkable-reading datum: item + whether it has unremarkable readings.
- language : String
Language
- form : String
Surface form
- hasUnremarkable : Bool
Does the item have unremarkable (non-modal) readings?
- predicative : Bool
Can the item appear in predicative position?
- exampleNumber : String
Example number(s) in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}
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(99)–(102): uno cualquiera has unremarkable readings; can be predicative.
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(94)/(95): irgendein has unremarkable readings; can be predicative.
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komon has unremarkable readings; can be predicative (§5).
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(104)/(105): yalnhej LACKS unremarkable readings; CANNOT be predicative.
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Predicativity correlates with unremarkable readings: every datum where canBePredicate = true also has unremarkable readings, and vice versa.
Cross-check: the entry-level fields agree with the datum-level fields for yalnhej, komon, and uno cualquiera.
Under an external modal (imperative, deontic, attitude verb), the MI's anchor can be co-indexed with the modal's event, giving "any X is fine" readings. The non-harmonic reading anchors the MI to the described event independently; the harmonic reading aligns the MI's domain with the external modal's domain.
The type of embedding modal for harmonic interpretation data.
- imperative : EmbeddingModal
Imperative: "Grab yalnhej card!"
- deontic : EmbeddingModal
Deontic: "You should grab yalnhej card."
- attitudeVerb : EmbeddingModal
Attitude verb: "Xun thinks yalnhej person came."
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A harmonic interpretation datum.
- chuj : String
Chuj sentence
- gloss : String
English gloss
- embedding : EmbeddingModal
Which embedding modal
- isHarmonic : Bool
Does the harmonic reading arise?
- reading : String
Description of reading
- exampleNumber : String
Example number in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}
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(82): Imperative, non-harmonic reading. "Grab a random card!" — MI anchors to the described (grabbing) event.
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(85): Imperative, harmonic reading. "Grab yalnhej card!" — MI anchor co-indexed with imperative event, giving "any card is fine" / "it doesn't matter which."
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(90)/(91): Attitude verb, harmonic reading. "Xun thinks yalnhej person came" — MI anchor co-indexed with doxastic modal of 'think', giving "whoever it was" reading.
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Same surface string, two readings: (82) non-harmonic and (85) harmonic share the same Chuj form but differ in anchor co-indexing.