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Linglib.Phenomena.ModalIndefinites.Data

Modal Indefinites: Cross-Linguistic Data #

@cite{alonso-ovalle-menendez-benito-2010} @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} @cite{kratzer-shimoyama-2002b} @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2021} @cite{chierchia-2013} @cite{jayez-tovena-2006} @cite{kratzer-shimoyama-2002}

Theory-neutral empirical data on modal indefinites, following @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} "Modal indefinites: Lessons from Chuj."

Definition #

A modal indefinite is an indefinite determiner / DP that conventionally encodes a modal component: beyond existential quantification, it conveys that any domain member could have been the witness (modal variation / free choice), or that the speaker doesn't know which individual satisfies the predicate (epistemic ignorance), or that any choice is permitted (random choice).

Three Dimensions of Variation (§6) #

  1. Status: Is the modal component at-issue (part of assertive content) or not-at-issue (presupposed / conventionally implicated)?
  2. Content: Which modal flavors does the component support? (Epistemic, random choice / circumstantial, or both.)
  3. Upper-boundedness: Does the indefinite impose an anti-singleton inference (¬∀x[P(x) → Q(x)])?

Chuj yalnhej: at-issue, epistemic + random choice, not upper-bounded, position-sensitive (§6).

External argument → epistemic only. Internal argument / adjunct (volitional) → epistemic or random choice. Internal argument / adjunct (non-volitional) → epistemic only.

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    Chuj komon: at-issue random-choice modifier for mass/plural (@cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2021}; cited in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}, §5).

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      Spanish algún: not-at-issue, epistemic only, upper-bounded (§6; @cite{alonso-ovalle-menendez-benito-2010}).

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        German irgendein: not-at-issue, epistemic + random choice, not upper-bounded (§6). Epistemic in episodic assertions; random choice under deontic modals.

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          Spanish uno cualquiera: at-issue, random choice only, upper-bounded (§5–6; @cite{alonso-ovalle-menendez-benito-2010}).

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            French n'importe quel: at-issue, random choice only, not upper-bounded (§6; @cite{jayez-tovena-2006}).

            Note: at-issue status and non-upper-boundedness are inferred from the cited source; @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} discusses content only.

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              Italian un qualsiasi: at-issue, random choice, not upper-bounded (§6; @cite{chierchia-2013}, §5.3.2).

              Note: at-issue status and non-upper-boundedness are inferred from the cited source; @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} discusses content only.

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                  Chuj yalnhej and German irgendein share the same flavor inventory (epistemic + random choice) but differ in status.

                  The at-issue / not-at-issue split (§6.1): yalnhej, uno cualquiera are at-issue; algún, irgendein are not-at-issue. (n'importe quel and un qualsiasi classified as at-issue per their respective cited sources.)

                  Upper-bounded items are a proper subset: only algún and uno cualquiera impose anti-singleton inferences.

                  Yalnhej is the only item that is both at-issue AND has both epistemic and random choice flavors. This is the core empirical contribution of @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}.

                  Syntactic positions for a DP in Chuj, cross-classified with verb volitionality (§3–4, Table 5).

                  The paper shows that RC availability depends on TWO factors: (1) structural position (external vs internal/adjunct), and (2) whether the verb describes a volitional event (one containing a decision subevent that can anchor RC modality).

                  • externalArg : ChujDPPosition

                    External argument (subject of transitive)

                  • internalArgVolitional : ChujDPPosition

                    Internal argument of a volitional verb (e.g., "buy")

                  • internalArgNonVolitional : ChujDPPosition

                    Internal argument of a non-volitional verb (e.g., "like")

                  • adjunctVolitional : ChujDPPosition

                    Adjunct of a volitional verb (e.g., "Malin ate where")

                  • adjunctNonVolitional : ChujDPPosition

                    Adjunct of a non-volitional verb (e.g., "it rained where")

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                      Which modal flavors are available to yalnhej in each position (Table 5, §3.2–4.2).

                      External argument: epistemic only — too high to co-bind with the VP event, so the anchor must project from the assertion (speech event). Internal/adjunct + volitional: both epistemic and RC — the described event has a decision subevent that can anchor normative modality. Internal/adjunct + non-volitional: epistemic only — the described event has no decision subevent, so f(e) cannot yield RC (§4.1, ex.34).

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                        A Chuj yalnhej example sentence with empirical judgments.

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                            (22)/(3): External argument, epistemic only. "A person or group of people danced at the party, I don't know who (maybe all did)." RC unavailable.

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                              (31): Internal argument, volitional verb, random choice available. "Xun bought a random book / some random books."

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                                (34)/(28): Internal argument, non-volitional verb, epistemic only. "Xun liked some dish(es) or other, I don't know which (maybe all)." RC unavailable with non-volitional 'like'.

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                                  (41): Adjunct, volitional verb, random choice available. "Malin ate yalnhej where" = Malin ate at a random place.

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                                    (39): Adjunct, non-volitional verb, epistemic only. "There was rain yalnhej where yesterday" = It rained somewhere, I don't know where. RC unavailable.

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                                        Consistency: each example's available flavors match the position-based prediction from yalnhejFlavorsAt.

                                        Yalnhej is compatible with partial-domain scenarios, unlike maximal free relatives (English whatever). A whatever-FR requires every domain member to satisfy the scope; yalnhej does not. This is distinct from upper-boundedness: UB blocks ∀P→Q (anti-singleton), whereas non-maximality merely allows ¬∀P→Q without requiring it.

                                        A maximality datum: a context + Chuj sentence + felicity judgment.

                                        • context : String

                                          Context description

                                        • chuj : String

                                          Chuj sentence

                                        • gloss : String

                                          English gloss

                                        • yalnhejFelicitous : Bool

                                          Whether yalnhej is felicitous in this context

                                        • exampleNumber : String

                                          Example number in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}

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                                            (43)/(44): Partial-domain, RC context. Context: 10 tools on a table; speaker grabbed 3 at random. Yalnhej is felicitous — no maximality requirement.

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                                              (46)/(47): Partial-domain, epistemic context. Context: 10 meals available; speaker ate 5 but doesn't remember which. Yalnhej is felicitous — compatible with not knowing, without requiring all meals to have been eaten.

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                                                Per-datum: both partial-domain examples are felicitous with yalnhej.

                                                All maximality data show yalnhej is felicitous in partial-domain contexts — confirming non-maximality.

                                                Some modal indefinites have "unremarkable" (plain existential) readings in addition to their modal readings. Komon and uno cualquiera can mean just "some" without modal flavor; yalnhej cannot. @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024} (§5) correlate this with predicativity: items that can appear in predicative position tend to have unremarkable readings; yalnhej cannot be predicative and correspondingly lacks unremarkable readings.

                                                An unremarkable-reading datum: item + whether it has unremarkable readings.

                                                • language : String

                                                  Language

                                                • form : String

                                                  Surface form

                                                • hasUnremarkable : Bool

                                                  Does the item have unremarkable (non-modal) readings?

                                                • predicative : Bool

                                                  Can the item appear in predicative position?

                                                • exampleNumber : String

                                                  Example number(s) in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}

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                                                    (99)–(102): uno cualquiera has unremarkable readings; can be predicative.

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                                                      (94)/(95): irgendein has unremarkable readings; can be predicative.

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                                                        komon has unremarkable readings; can be predicative (§5).

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                                                          (104)/(105): yalnhej LACKS unremarkable readings; CANNOT be predicative.

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                                                              Predicativity correlates with unremarkable readings: every datum where canBePredicate = true also has unremarkable readings, and vice versa.

                                                              Cross-check: the entry-level fields agree with the datum-level fields for yalnhej, komon, and uno cualquiera.

                                                              Under an external modal (imperative, deontic, attitude verb), the MI's anchor can be co-indexed with the modal's event, giving "any X is fine" readings. The non-harmonic reading anchors the MI to the described event independently; the harmonic reading aligns the MI's domain with the external modal's domain.

                                                              The type of embedding modal for harmonic interpretation data.

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                                                                  A harmonic interpretation datum.

                                                                  • chuj : String

                                                                    Chuj sentence

                                                                  • gloss : String

                                                                    English gloss

                                                                  • embedding : EmbeddingModal

                                                                    Which embedding modal

                                                                  • isHarmonic : Bool

                                                                    Does the harmonic reading arise?

                                                                  • reading : String

                                                                    Description of reading

                                                                  • exampleNumber : String

                                                                    Example number in @cite{alonso-ovalle-royer-2024}

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                                                                      (82): Imperative, non-harmonic reading. "Grab a random card!" — MI anchors to the described (grabbing) event.

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                                                                        (85): Imperative, harmonic reading. "Grab yalnhej card!" — MI anchor co-indexed with imperative event, giving "any card is fine" / "it doesn't matter which."

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                                                                          (90)/(91): Attitude verb, harmonic reading. "Xun thinks yalnhej person came" — MI anchor co-indexed with doxastic modal of 'think', giving "whoever it was" reading.

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                                                                              Same surface string, two readings: (82) non-harmonic and (85) harmonic share the same Chuj form but differ in anchor co-indexing.