@cite{lassiter-goodman-2017} #
Adjectival vagueness in a Bayesian model of interpretation. Synthese 194:3801–3836.
Innovation #
Standard RSA models fix the literal meaning of each utterance. Threshold RSA introduces a free semantic variable — the threshold θ — that the pragmatic listener L1 jointly infers alongside the world state:
P_L1(s, θ | u) ∝ P_S1(u | s, θ) · P(s) · P(θ)
This yields three key predictions (§4.3–4.4):
- Information transmission: hearing "tall"/"short" shifts the height posterior above/below the prior mean despite vague semantics
- Pragmatic sweet spot: the threshold posterior peaks at an intermediate value, not at extremes — low θ makes "tall" uninformative (high cost, low information gain); high θ makes it implausible
- Context sensitivity: shifting the reference class prior (e.g., from the general population to basketball players) shifts both the height and threshold posteriors (§4.4, Figure 7)
Semantics (§4.1) #
Scalar adjectives have a free threshold variable (Eqs. 22–23):
- ⟦tall⟧(θ)(x) = 1 iff height(x) > θ (Eq. 22)
- ⟦short⟧(θ)(x) = 1 iff height(x) < θ (Eq. 23)
RSAConfig Mapping #
- U =
Utterance(tall, short, silent) - W =
Height(Degree 10, 11 values: h0–h10) - Latent =
Threshold(Threshold 10, 10 values: θ0–θ9) - meaning(θ, u, h) =
prior(h)if ⟦u⟧_θ(h), else 0 (§4.2: L0 includes the world prior) - s1Score =
exp(α · (log L0(h|u,θ) − C(u)))(§4.2) - worldPrior(h) =
prior(h) - latentPrior = uniform (§4.2: "P(V) is thus uniform")
- α = 4 (§4.4)
- C(tall) = C(short) = 2 (§4.4: C(u) = 2/3 × |u| in words, |"Sam is tall"| = 3), C(∅) = 0
The prior enters at both L0 (baked into meaning) and L1 (worldPrior),
matching §4.2 where P_{L0}(s) = P_{L1}(s).
Verified Predictions #
- Hearing "tall" shifts height posterior upward (§4.4, Figure 5)
- Hearing "short" shifts height posterior downward (§4.4, Figure 6)
- Threshold posterior peaks at intermediate θ given "tall" (§4.4)
- Basketball prior shifts L1("tall") toward taller heights (§4.4, Figure 7)
Discretized height values (h0–h10).
The paper uses a continuous normal distribution over heights; we discretize to 11 values (Degree 10).
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Threshold values (θ0–θ9).
The threshold θ determines the cutoff: x is tall iff height(x) > θ (Eq. 21).
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- RSA.LassiterGoodman2017.instBEqUtterance.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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⟦tall⟧(θ)(x) = 1 iff height(x) > θ (@cite{kennedy-2007}, positive form).
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⟦short⟧(θ)(x) = 1 iff height(x) < θ (@cite{kennedy-2007}, negative form).
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Full meaning function: utterance × threshold → height → Bool. Silent is vacuously true (compatible with all heights).
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- RSA.LassiterGoodman2017.meaning RSA.LassiterGoodman2017.Utterance.tall θ h = Semantics.Degree.positiveMeaning h θ
- RSA.LassiterGoodman2017.meaning RSA.LassiterGoodman2017.Utterance.short θ h = Semantics.Degree.negativeMeaning h θ
- RSA.LassiterGoodman2017.meaning RSA.LassiterGoodman2017.Utterance.silent θ h = true
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Height prior: discretized normal distribution centered at h5.
The paper assumes a continuous normal P(s) over heights. We approximate with unnormalized weights [1,2,5,10,15,20,15,10,5,2,1] peaked at h5.
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Threshold prior: uniform over all thresholds (Section 4.2).
"P(V) is thus uniform for all possible combinations of values for the elements of V."
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Basketball player height prior: peak shifted to h7 (§4.4, Figure 7).
The paper uses "two input priors with different means" to demonstrate context sensitivity. We shift the same bell shape rightward by 2 steps, truncating the left tail at zero.
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Utterance cost function (Eq. 23).
C(u) = 2/3 × length(u) in words. C("Sam is tall") = C("Sam is short") = 2/3 × 3 = 2. C(∅) = 0 (null utterance is free).
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Fitted cost value from Section 4.4: C = 2/3 × 3 = 2 for content words.
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Height prior as ℝ.
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Basketball height prior as ℝ.
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Utterance cost as ℝ.
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S1 belief-based score with utterance costs (Eq. 23):
S1(u|s,V) ∝ exp(α · (log P_{L0}(s|u,V) − C(u)))
Gated on l0 u w = 0 because Lean's log 0 = 0, which would make
exp(α · (0 − C)) positive for false utterances.
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Parametric RSAConfig for threshold models.
Decouples the reference class prior from model structure so that
defaultCfg and basketballCfg share the same architecture.
Both L0 and L1 use the same prior (§4.2):
- L0: P_{L0}(s|u,V) ∝ P(s) · ⟦u⟧_V(s)
- L1: P_{L1}(s,V|u) ∝ P_{S1}(u|s,V) · P(s) · P(V)
α = 4 (§4.4).
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Default config: general population prior (peak at h5).
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Basketball config: basketball player prior (peak at h7). Tests context sensitivity (§4.4, Figure 7).
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Hearing "tall" shifts height posterior upward #
The pragmatic listener L1, upon hearing "tall," infers that the speaker's height is above average. The prior peaks at h5; L1("tall") shifts probability mass toward higher heights (Figure 5, left panel).
Hearing "short" shifts height posterior downward #
Mirror image: "short" shifts probability toward lower heights (Section 4.3, Figure 6).
Pragmatic sweet spot for thresholds #
Given "tall," the listener infers a threshold that balances informativity and plausibility (Figure 5, right panel). Very low thresholds (θ ≈ 0) make "tall" uninformative (everything is tall), so the cost of speaking outweighs the information gain. Very high thresholds (θ ≈ 9) make "tall" implausible (almost nothing is tall). The posterior peaks at an intermediate θ.
This sweet spot requires utterance costs (Section 4.4: α=4, C(tall)=2); without costs, L1_latent monotonically prefers lower thresholds.
Basketball context shifts height inference #
When the reference class prior shifts right (basketball players: peak at h7 vs general population: peak at h5), L1 hearing "tall" assigns more probability to taller heights (Figure 7). At h10, the basketball prior is 5× the general prior (5 vs 1), which dominates the normalization penalty.