Partee (2010): Privative Adjectives: Subsective plus Coercion @cite{partee-2010} #
@cite{kamp-1975} @cite{kamp-partee-1995}
In R. Bäuerle, U. Reyle, & T. E. Zimmermann (eds.), Presuppositions and Discourse: Essays Offered to Hans Kamp, 273–292. Brill.
(Circulated as a manuscript since 2001.)
Overview #
@cite{partee-2010} argues that there are no genuinely privative adjectives. What @cite{kamp-1975} classified as "privative" (fake, counterfeit, fictitious) are actually subsective — they trigger coercion of the noun's denotation.
Core Argument #
- Traditional:
⟦fake gun⟧ ∩ ⟦gun⟧ = ∅(privative, Kamp definition 5) - Partee's revision:
⟦fake gun⟧ ⊆ ⟦gun*⟧wheregun* = gun ∪ fake-gun(subsective within the coerced noun)
Key evidence:
- "Is that gun real or fake?" — the noun "gun" must include both real and fake guns for this question to be well-formed (§ 1, ex. 10b)
- Polish NP-splitting data (Nowak 2000): intersective, subsective, AND "privative" adjectives can all participate in NP-splitting, but non-subsective/modal adjectives (alleged, potential) cannot (§ 2)
Result #
The traditional 4-class hierarchy collapses to three classes:
intersective > subsective > non-subsective (modal)
The "privative" class is eliminated. The mathematical basis is
any_adj_subsective_under_selfcoercion: ANY adjective is subsective
when the noun is coerced to include the adjective's own extension.
The empirical question is whether this coercion is linguistically real —
the Polish data argues it is.
Structure #
- § 1: Noun coercion and the core subsectivity theorem
- § 2: The revised hierarchy (3 classes, not 4)
- § 3: Polish NP-splitting evidence (Nowak 2000)
@cite{partee-2010}'s central mechanism: when a "privative" adjective combines with a noun N, the noun's denotation is coerced to N* = N ∪ adj(N). The adjective is then subsective within N*.
Noun coercion: expand the noun's denotation to include entities in
an additional extension. coerceNoun N ext = N ∪ ext.
In @cite{partee-2010}'s analysis, ext is the adjective's own
extension for that noun: "gun" → "gun*" = guns ∪ fake-guns.
Equations
- Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Partee2010.coerceNoun N ext w x = (N w x || ext w x)
Instances For
Core theorem. Any adjective is affirmative (subsective) when the noun is coerced to include the adjective's own extension. This is the mathematical content of @cite{partee-2010}'s argument: the privative class is not a genuine semantic class but an artifact of ignoring noun coercion.
The proof is trivially true — adj(N)(w)(x) → N(w)(x) ∨ adj(N)(w)(x) —
which is exactly Partee's point: the "privative" classification can
always be dissolved by acknowledging that the noun's denotation shifts.
The substantive claim is that this coercion is linguistically real,
not ad hoc (see § 3).
Coercion is monotone: the coerced noun always extends the original.
Under @cite{partee-2010}'s analysis, the adjective hierarchy collapses from four classes to three. The privative class is absorbed into the subsective class (via noun coercion).
The revised three-class hierarchy.
- intersective : RevisedClass
⟦AN⟧ = ⟦A⟧ ∩ ⟦N⟧(Kamp's intersective) - subsective : RevisedClass
⟦AN⟧ ⊆ ⟦N*⟧— includes former "privatives" via coercion (Kamp's subsective, generalized) - nonSubsective : RevisedClass
No entailment: alleged, potential, putative (Kamp's non-subsective)
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
@cite{partee-2010} § 2 uses Polish NP-splitting data (Nowak 2000) as evidence for the reclassification. In Polish, Adj+N phrases can be "split" across the sentence (Adj sentence-initial, N sentence-final).
The critical observation: the split does NOT track the traditional
4-class boundary. Instead, intersective, subsective, AND traditionally
"privative" adjectives can all split, but non-subsective/modal
adjectives (alleged, potential, predicted) cannot.
This patterns exactly as the 3-class hierarchy predicts: the split
tracks subsectivity (with coercion), not the traditional privative/
non-privative distinction.
Which adjective classes allow Polish NP-splitting (Nowak 2000, cited in @cite{partee-2010} § 2).
CAN split: rozległy "large" (intersective), biedny "poor/not rich" (intersective), Chinese/generous/pretty (intersective), skillful/ recent/good/typical (subsective), counterfeit/past/spurious/imaginary/ fictitious (traditionally "privative").
CANNOT split: biedny "pitiful" (non-subsective), Polish translations of alleged/potential/predicted/disputed (non-subsective/modal).
Equations
- Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Partee2010.canSplitNP Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Partee2010.RevisedClass.intersective = true
- Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Partee2010.canSplitNP Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Partee2010.RevisedClass.subsective = true
- Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Partee2010.canSplitNP Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Partee2010.RevisedClass.nonSubsective = false
Instances For
The NP-splitting data supports the revised hierarchy: the split tracks the 3-class boundary (subsective vs non-subsective), not the traditional 4-class boundary (privative vs non-privative).
The traditional 4-class analysis wrongly predicts that "privative" adjectives should NOT be able to split (since they share a class boundary with non-subsective adjectives). The revised 3-class analysis correctly predicts they CAN split (since they are subsective).