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Linglib.Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.Morzycki2009

Morzycki (2009) #

@cite{morzycki-2009}

Degree modification of gradable nouns: size adjectives and adnominal degree morphemes. Natural Language Semantics 17:175–203.

Key claims formalized #

  1. Gradable nouns as measure functions (§3.1, eq. 48b): ⟦idiot⟧ = λx . ιd[x is d-idiotic] = idiot

  2. MEAS_N operator (§4.3, eq. 76): Size adjectives are introduced by a nominal counterpart of the adjectival MEAS morpheme. The combined denotation requires the individual's degree to exceed both the size adjective's minimum and the noun's contextual standard.

  3. Bigness Generalization (§2.2, ex. 29): Adjectives that predicate bigness systematically license degree readings; adjectives of smallness do not.

  4. Position Generalization (§2.1, ex. 18): Degree readings of size adjectives are possible only in attributive positions (prenominally in English).

  5. Adnominal degree morphemes (§3.4, ex. 55): real, true, complete, total, absolute are DegN heads — the nominal counterpart of adjectival degree words like very.

  6. Scale structure compatibility (p. 190, ex. 60): complete is restricted to nouns whose scales have maxima (complete idiot OK, #complete smoker not).

Theory–data connection #

The Bigness Generalization is derived from scale structure (§4.4, eqs. 81–85):

small_idiot_vacuous and big_idiot_restrictive from GradableNouns.lean predict the acceptability pattern recorded in the data below.

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                                                          • morpheme : String
                                                          • attributiveDegreeReading : Bool
                                                          • predicativeDegreeReading : Bool
                                                          • adjDegreeModCooccurrence : Bool
                                                          • source : String
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                                                                                        The theory predicts that negative-polarity size adjectives are vacuous: "small idiot" has the same truth conditions as bare "idiot". This is Morzycki's key result (§4.4, eqs. 81–85): min{d : d ∈ scale(idiot) ∧ standard(small) ≤ small(d)} = d₀, so the size adjective contributes nothing.

                                                                                        The theory predicts that positive-polarity size adjectives are genuinely restrictive: "big idiot" entails "idiot".

                                                                                        There exist entities that are idiots but not big idiots — demonstrating bigIdiot is strictly stronger than bare pos. This matches Morzycki's entailment (§4.3, ex. 75): "#Clyde is a big idiot, but not an idiot."

                                                                                        All negative-polarity size adjectives in the data lack degree readings. "slight" is excluded because Morzycki (p. 179) argues it is not a size adjective.

                                                                                        All adnominal degree morphemes have degree readings attributively but not predicatively — they obey the Position Generalization.

                                                                                        Adnominal degree morphemes cannot co-occur with adjectival degree modifiers — they occupy the same structural position (DegN).

                                                                                        "complete" is acceptable exactly when the noun's scale has a maximum.