@cite{kennedy-2007} Adjective Licensing Bridge #
@cite{kennedy-2007} @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}
Connects the abstract adjMeasure and LicensingPipeline algebra
(Core/Scale) to concrete Fragment entries (tall, full, wet, dry)
and Phenomena data (closurePuzzle, completelyModifier).
Bridge Structure #
Fragment → DirectedMeasure: each Fragment entry's
scaleTypedetermines aDirectedMeasure, whose.licensedfield yields the licensing prediction.DirectedMeasure → Data: the licensing prediction matches the empirical patterns recorded in
closurePuzzleandcompletelyModifier.LicensingPipeline: the same prediction is available through the universal
LicensingPipeline.isLicensedinterface, connecting adjective licensing to telicity, path shape, and mereological licensing.
Empirical pattern: Scalar adjective thresholds shift with comparison class.
The same individual can be "tall" relative to one class but "not tall" relative to another. The threshold tracks statistical properties of the comparison class (especially mean and variance).
Examples:
- 5'10" is tall for a jockey but not tall for a basketball player
- $500,000 is expensive for Atlanta but cheap for San Francisco
Source: @cite{kennedy-2007}, @cite{fara-2000}, @cite{lassiter-goodman-2017}
- adjective : String
The adjective being used
- individual : String
The individual/item being described
- scaleValue : String
The value on the underlying scale (as string for flexibility)
- comparisonClass1 : String
First comparison class
- comparisonClass2 : String
Second comparison class
- judgmentInClass1 : Bool
Judgment in first class (true = adjective applies)
- judgmentInClass2 : Bool
Judgment in second class
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Classic height example: 5'10" person.
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House price example.
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Size example across orders of magnitude.
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Empirical pattern: Antonym pairs share a scale with reversed polarity.
"Tall" and "short" live on the same height scale but point in opposite directions. This creates the "excluded middle gap" where neither applies clearly (the borderline region).
Source: @cite{kennedy-2007}, @cite{lassiter-goodman-2017}
- positive : String
The positive adjective
- negative : String
The negative adjective
- scale : String
The underlying scale
- negationType : Core.NegationType
Contradictory (A ≡ ¬B, no gap) or contrary (can both be false, gap).
- positiveExample : String
Example where positive applies
- negativeExample : String
Example where negative applies
- neitherExample : String
Example where neither clearly applies
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Data capturing Kennedy's adjective typology predictions.
Key diagnostic: behavior with degree modifiers
- RGA: "??slightly tall", "??completely tall" (odd)
- AGA-max: "slightly bent", "completely straight" (natural)
- AGA-min: "slightly wet", "??completely wet" (asymmetric)
Source: @cite{kennedy-2007} Section 3
- adjective : String
The adjective
- classification : Semantics.Degree.AdjectiveClass
Its classification
- scale : String
The underlying scale
- hasMaxEndpoint : Bool
Does it have a maximum endpoint?
- hasMinEndpoint : Bool
Does it have a minimum endpoint?
- naturalWithSlightly : Bool
Natural with "slightly X"?
- naturalWithCompletely : Bool
Natural with "completely X"?
- thresholdShifts : Bool
Threshold shifts with comparison class?
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"Tall" - prototypical relative gradable adjective.
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"Full" - absolute maximum standard adjective.
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"Wet" - absolute minimum standard adjective.
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"Straight" - absolute maximum standard adjective.
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"Bent" - absolute minimum standard adjective.
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The key prediction: RGAs are context-sensitive, AGAs are not.
This is testable: change comparison class, see if threshold shifts.
- "tall for a basketball player" vs "tall for a jockey" - shifts
- "wet for a desert" vs "wet for a rainforest" - does NOT shift
- rgaAdjective : String
- agaAdjective : String
- rgaShifts : Bool
- agaShifts : Bool
- rgaShiftExample : String
- agaNonShiftExample : String
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Degree modifiers and their interactions with adjective types.
Key modifiers:
- Proportional: "half", "completely", "partially"
- Measure phrases: "6 feet tall", "3 degrees warmer"
- Intensifiers: "very", "extremely", "incredibly"
- Diminishers: "slightly", "somewhat", "a bit"
Source: @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}, @cite{burnett-2017}
- proportional : DegreeModifierType
- measurePhrase : DegreeModifierType
- intensifier : DegreeModifierType
- diminisher : DegreeModifierType
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Data capturing degree modifier compatibility patterns.
The puzzle: Why can you say "completely full" but not "??completely tall"?
Answer: Proportional modifiers require a BOUNDED scale (endpoints).
- "Full" has a maximum → "completely full" works
- "Tall" has no maximum → "??completely tall" is odd
Source: @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}
- modifier : String
- modifierType : DegreeModifierType
- worksWithRGA : Bool
- worksWithAGAMax : Bool
- worksWithAGAMin : Bool
- goodExample : String
- badExample : String
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The degree modifier puzzle: Why the distribution?
Formal constraint: Proportional modifiers require a CLOSED scale.
- Closed scale: has both minimum and maximum endpoints
- Open scale: missing at least one endpoint
This explains:
- "completely full" ✓ (fullness scale: empty to full)
- "??completely tall" ✗ (height scale: 0 to... what?)
Source: @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}, @cite{rotstein-winter-2004}
- closedScaleAdj : String
- openScaleAdj : String
- modifier : String
- worksWithClosed : Bool
- worksWithOpen : Bool
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"tall" (open scale) → DirectedMeasure blocks degree modification.
"full" (closed scale) → DirectedMeasure licenses degree modification.
"wet" (lower-bounded) → DirectedMeasure licenses.
"dry" (upper-bounded) → DirectedMeasure licenses.
The closure puzzle is predicted by DirectedMeasure:
closed-scale adjectives license "completely", open-scale ones don't.
Matches closurePuzzle.worksWithClosed / .worksWithOpen.
"completely" works with AGA-max (closed) but not RGA (open).
adjMeasure licensing matches completelyModifier fields.
"tall" through the universal pipeline: open_ → blocked.
"full" through the universal pipeline: closed → licensed.
"wet" through the universal pipeline: lowerBounded → licensed.
"dry" through the universal pipeline: upperBounded → licensed.
Pipeline agrees with DirectedMeasure for all four test adjectives.
Two independent paths to the same prediction #
@cite{kennedy-2007}'s scale structure and PropertyDomain.requiresComparisonClass
are two independent classifications that converge on the same prediction for
whether an adjective's standard depends on contextual domain information:
- Scale-structure path (@cite{kennedy-2007}):
scaleType → interpretiveEconomy → PositiveStandard → PositiveStandard.requiresComparisonClassOpen scale → contextual s → requires "the distribution of objects in some domain (a comparison class)" (Kennedy 2007, p. 42) - Domain path (@cite{sedivy-etal-1999}):
dimension.domain → PropertyDomain.requiresComparisonClassSize/evaluative/sensory domains → context-sensitive threshold
Note: Kennedy argues (§2.3, p. 16) that the comparison class is descriptively
real but NOT a semantic argument of pos. Our requiresComparisonClass tracks
whether contextual domain information is needed — compatible with Kennedy's
view that this information feeds into s contextually rather than as a
constituent of the logical form.
For every concrete Fragment adjective, the two paths agree. This convergence is non-trivial: it reflects the empirical fact that open-scale adjectives tend to belong to context-sensitive domains (size, evaluative), while closed-scale adjectives tend to belong to context-insensitive domains (state).
"tall": both paths predict CC-dependence.
"full": both paths predict CC-independence.
"wet": both paths predict CC-independence (lower-bounded → endpoint standard; state domain).
"dry": both paths predict CC-independence (upper-bounded → endpoint standard; state domain).
MPAs (lower-bounded scale) are licensed by the pipeline, just like wet. Their resistance to very/extremely is pragmatic (conflicts with middling inference), not structural.
MPAs and good have the same scale-structure licensing status (both lower-bounded → licensed). Their difference is in standard type (functional vs contextual), not in structural licensing.
IE path diverges for MPAs: lower-bounded → minEndpoint, but MPAs actually receive a functional standard. This is a genuine exception to Interpretive Economy, distinct from good's exception.