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Linglib.Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.AlexandropoulouGotzner2024

@cite{alexandropoulou-gotzner-2024} — Negated Gradable Adjectives #

@cite{alexandropoulou-gotzner-2024}

Extension gap (contrary antonyms, two thresholds) is the structural precondition for polarity asymmetry under negation. Contradictory antonyms (single threshold) produce symmetric negation.

Load-bearing connections #

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              The two-threshold model (Theory.lean) and single-threshold model (Core.lean) define comparison operators independently. These rfl proofs verify that the definitions agree — changing either module's definition body breaks them. This is the structural backbone connecting the study to shared infrastructure that @cite{tessler-franke-2019} also uses.

              Two-threshold contrary negative IS single-threshold negative at θ_neg. Both compute d < (θ : Degree max).

              A&G's "not large" IS Core.lean's antonymMeaning at θ_pos. Both compute d ≤ (θ : Degree max).

              Theory.lean's contraryNeg IS Core.lean's negativeMeaning. Both compute d < (θ : Degree max).

              For contrary antonyms (ThresholdPair), the scale partitions into three regions: positive, gap, and negative. The gap is WHERE "not positive" diverges from "negative" — the structural basis for polarity asymmetry.

              Gap = "not positive" ∧ "not negative" (biconditional). Connects inGapRegion (Theory.lean) to positiveMeaning' and contraryNegMeaning (also Theory.lean, but equivalent to Core.lean by §3 equivalences).

              For contradictory antonyms (single θ), positive and antonym are complements: every degree satisfies exactly one. No gap is possible. This is WHY absolute adjectives show symmetric negation (Exp 2).

              Contradictory antonyms partition the scale with no gap. Now derived from Antonymy.contradictory_exhaustive.

              positiveMeaning_monotone (Core.lean): higher threshold → informationally stronger. This single theorem grounds BOTH: 1. Strong adjectives entail weak (gigantic → large) 2. Precision upshift entails standard (pristine-reading → clean-reading)

              theorem Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.AlexandropoulouGotzner2024.strong_entails_weak (θ_weak θ_strong : Thr5) (h_ord : θ_weak θ_strong) (d : Deg5) (h_strong : Semantics.Degree.positiveMeaning d θ_strong = true) :

              Strong adjectives entail weak: anything above θ_strong is above θ_weak. Directly applies positiveMeaning_monotone from Core.lean.

              Concrete: degree 4 is positive under the weak threshold (thr 2) BECAUSE it's positive under the strong threshold (thr 3) and monotonicity applies. This is a genuinely load-bearing proof: it chains Core.lean's monotonicity theorem through concrete threshold values.

              Precision upshift entails standard reading, by monotonicity. If d satisfies "clean" at pristine precision (θ = 3), it satisfies "clean" at standard precision (θ = 1). Same theorem, different reading.

              Exp 1: "not large" at degree 0 overlaps with "small" → negative strengthening.

              Exp 1: Gap witnesses contrary non-entailment (eqs. 6a-b).

              "clean" in competition with "not clean" takes high-precision reading ≈ "pristine" (θ raised from 1 to 3). This creates a gap, explaining Table 7's relative-like behavior for absolutes. The entailment pristine-clean → standard-clean follows from positiveMeaning_monotone (§6).

              ThresholdPair for the precision-upshifted "clean" scale: θ_pos = 3 (pristine precision), θ_neg = 1 (filthy threshold).

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