Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Gradability.Data

Empirical pattern: Scalar adjective thresholds shift with comparison class.

The same individual can be "tall" relative to one class but "not tall" relative to another. The threshold tracks statistical properties of the comparison class (especially mean and variance).

Examples:

  • 5'10" is tall for a jockey but not tall for a basketball player
  • $500,000 is expensive for Atlanta but cheap for San Francisco

Source: @cite{kennedy-2007}, @cite{fara-2000}, @cite{lassiter-goodman-2017}

  • adjective : String

    The adjective being used

  • individual : String

    The individual/item being described

  • scaleValue : String

    The value on the underlying scale (as string for flexibility)

  • comparisonClass1 : String

    First comparison class

  • comparisonClass2 : String

    Second comparison class

  • judgmentInClass1 : Bool

    Judgment in first class (true = adjective applies)

  • judgmentInClass2 : Bool

    Judgment in second class

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      Classic height example: 5'10" person.

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        House price example.

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          Size example across orders of magnitude.

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            Empirical pattern: Antonym pairs share a scale with reversed polarity.

            "Tall" and "short" live on the same height scale but point in opposite directions. This creates the "excluded middle gap" where neither applies clearly (the borderline region).

            Source: @cite{kennedy-2007}, @cite{lassiter-goodman-2017}

            • positive : String

              The positive adjective

            • negative : String

              The negative adjective

            • scale : String

              The underlying scale

            • negationType : Core.NegationType

              Contradictory (A ≡ ¬B, no gap) or contrary (can both be false, gap).

            • positiveExample : String

              Example where positive applies

            • negativeExample : String

              Example where negative applies

            • neitherExample : String

              Example where neither clearly applies

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                    Kennedy's adjective classification based on scale structure and standard type.

                    The key distinction:

                    • Relative Gradable Adjectives (RGA): Standard varies with comparison class Examples: tall, expensive, big, old
                    • Absolute Gradable Adjectives (AGA): Standard fixed by scale structure
                      • Maximum standard: full, straight, closed, dry
                      • Minimum standard: wet, bent, open, dirty

                    Source: @cite{kennedy-2007}, @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}

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                        Coarse 2-way classification: relative vs absolute. Collapses absoluteMaximum and absoluteMinimum.

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                          Data capturing Kennedy's adjective typology predictions.

                          Key diagnostic: behavior with degree modifiers

                          • RGA: "??slightly tall", "??completely tall" (odd)
                          • AGA-max: "slightly bent", "completely straight" (natural)
                          • AGA-min: "slightly wet", "??completely wet" (asymmetric)

                          Source: @cite{kennedy-2007} Section 3

                          • adjective : String

                            The adjective

                          • classification : AdjectiveClass

                            Its classification

                          • scale : String

                            The underlying scale

                          • hasMaxEndpoint : Bool

                            Does it have a maximum endpoint?

                          • hasMinEndpoint : Bool

                            Does it have a minimum endpoint?

                          • naturalWithSlightly : Bool

                            Natural with "slightly X"?

                          • naturalWithCompletely : Bool

                            Natural with "completely X"?

                          • thresholdShifts : Bool

                            Threshold shifts with comparison class?

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                              "Tall" - prototypical relative gradable adjective.

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                                "Full" - absolute maximum standard adjective.

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                                  "Wet" - absolute minimum standard adjective.

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                                    "Straight" - absolute maximum standard adjective.

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                                      "Bent" - absolute minimum standard adjective.

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                                          The key prediction: RGAs are context-sensitive, AGAs are not.

                                          This is testable: change comparison class, see if threshold shifts.

                                          • "tall for a basketball player" vs "tall for a jockey" - shifts
                                          • "wet for a desert" vs "wet for a rainforest" - does NOT shift
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                                                Degree modifiers and their interactions with adjective types.

                                                Key modifiers:

                                                • Proportional: "half", "completely", "partially"
                                                • Measure phrases: "6 feet tall", "3 degrees warmer"
                                                • Intensifiers: "very", "extremely", "incredibly"
                                                • Diminishers: "slightly", "somewhat", "a bit"

                                                Source: @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}, @cite{burnett-2017}

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                                                    Data capturing degree modifier compatibility patterns.

                                                    The puzzle: Why can you say "completely full" but not "??completely tall"?

                                                    Answer: Proportional modifiers require a BOUNDED scale (endpoints).

                                                    • "Full" has a maximum → "completely full" works
                                                    • "Tall" has no maximum → "??completely tall" is odd

                                                    Source: @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}

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                                                                  The degree modifier puzzle: Why the distribution?

                                                                  Formal constraint: Proportional modifiers require a CLOSED scale.

                                                                  • Closed scale: has both minimum and maximum endpoints
                                                                  • Open scale: missing at least one endpoint

                                                                  This explains:

                                                                  • "completely full" ✓ (fullness scale: empty to full)
                                                                  • "??completely tall" ✗ (height scale: 0 to... what?)

                                                                  Source: @cite{kennedy-mcnally-2005}, @cite{rotstein-winter-2004}

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                                                                        What a Theory of Degree Semantics Must Explain #

                                                                        Adjectival Phenomena #

                                                                        1. Scale structure: RGA vs AGA distinction

                                                                          • RGAs have context-dependent thresholds
                                                                          • AGAs have scale-structure-determined thresholds
                                                                        2. Degree modifier distribution:

                                                                          • "completely tall" ✗ vs "completely full" ✓
                                                                          • Proportional modifiers require closed scales
                                                                        3. Context-sensitivity: Thresholds shift with comparison class

                                                                          • "tall for a jockey" vs "tall for a basketball player"
                                                                        4. Antonym behavior: Contrary pairs share scales

                                                                          • tall/short, expensive/cheap

                                                                        Nominal Phenomena #

                                                                        1. Degree readings exist: "big idiot" can mean "very idiotic"

                                                                        2. Bigness Generalization: Only positive-polarity size adjectives

                                                                          • "big/huge/enormous idiot" ✓
                                                                          • "small/tiny/little idiot" ✗ (degree reading)
                                                                        3. Position Generalization: Only attributive position

                                                                          • "a big idiot" ✓ (degree reading)
                                                                          • "The idiot is big" ✗ (only size reading)

                                                                        Connection: Bigness Generalization ↔ Scale Structure #

                                                                        The Bigness Generalization follows from the same scale structure principles:

                                                                        This parallels adjectival scale structure effects: