Guerrini (2026): Distributive Kind Predication #
@cite{guerrini-2026}
Natural Language Semantics. Published online 02 March 2026.
Core Thesis #
Generalizations with kind-denoting plurals (English bare plurals, Italian definite plurals) are structurally ambiguous between:
- Bona Fide Genericity: the kind enters the restrictor of Gen → law-like reading ("Lions hunt" ≈ "Generally, lions hunt")
- Distributive Kind Predication: the kind is evaluated at the actual world and DIST distributes the predicate over its atomic members → accidental reading ("LLMs are popular" ≈ "The LLMs are popular")
This ambiguity — not a complex semantics for Gen — explains why kind-denoting plurals have wider distribution than singular indefinites. Singular indefinites cannot denote kinds (∩ undefined for singulars), so DIST never applies, and they are limited to Bona Fide Genericity.
Key Predictions #
- Table 1: Kind-denoting plurals appear in both law-like and accidental generalizations; singular indefinites appear only in law-like ones.
- Table 3: Homogeneity removal — 'all' removes DIST-homogeneity, 'always' removes Gen-homogeneity. Kind-denoting plurals allow both; singular indefinites allow only 'always'.
- Italian subjunctive: Forces Bona Fide Generic parse (kind must be in Gen restrictor, which licenses subjunctive). Accidental readings disappear under subjunctive-modified restrictors.
- Episodic sentences (§5): Near-universal readings of bare plurals ("Birds are migrating" ≈ ∀) arise via Distributive Kind Predication without Gen. Singular indefinites get only existential readings.
Connection to Tessler & Goodman (2019) #
@cite{tessler-goodman-2019}'s threshold semantics for generics
(see Phenomena/Generics/Studies/TesslerGoodman2019.lean)
applies to the Bona Fide Generic parse: prevalence-based inference
determines whether the Gen-quantified generalization is judged true.
But on the Distributive Kind Predication parse, there is no Gen —
the sentence is non-generic, and its truth conditions are those of a
referential definite plural with DIST. Guerrini's ambiguity thus explains
why "accidental" generalizations resist Q-adverb modification and don't
display quantificational variability effects: they aren't quantified.
Nominal Mapping and Cross-Linguistic Variation #
English bare plurals are ambiguous between kind and property denotation:
- Kind → Distributive/cumulative LFs or Bona Fide Generic LFs
- Property → Bona Fide Generic LFs or low-scoped existential LFs
Italian definite plurals unambiguously denote kinds. Italian bare plurals unambiguously denote properties.
This derives from @cite{chierchia-1998}'s Nominal Mapping Parameter: English [+arg, +pred] allows both; Italian [-arg, +pred] forces D.
Available LF parses for sentences with kind-denoting plurals.
Guerrini's central claim: English bare plurals are structurally ambiguous between four LF types (diagram (145)). The first three require kind denotation; the fourth requires property denotation.
Kind-denoting plurals can access all four; singular indefinites access only BFG.
- bonaFideGeneric : GeneralizationLF
Kind enters restrictor of Gen. World variable bound by Gen. Law-like reading: "Generally, lions hunt." (Guerrini's (29))
- distributiveKindPred : GeneralizationLF
Kind evaluated at actual world s₀, DIST distributes predicate over atoms. No Gen. Accidental reading: "The lions (of the actual world) hunt." (Guerrini's (30))
- cumulativeKindPred : GeneralizationLF
Kind evaluated at actual world s₀, ** (cumulative operator) applies. No Gen. "Elephants live in Africa and Asia." (§4)
- existentialDPP : GeneralizationLF
Property reading: bare plural interpreted as property, composed with predicate via DPP (Derived Property Predication, §5.3). Low-scoped existential: "Bears are destroying my garden" ≈ ∃x[bear(x) ∧ destroying-my-garden(x)]. (Guerrini's (105b))
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Extract a kind's extension at a world as a Finset, bridging
Chierchia1998's Set Atom to Distributivity's Finset Atom.
This is the type-level bridge between the two modules:
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.kindExtensionFinset k w = {x : Atom | x ∈ k.concept w}
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Computable kind extension from a Bool-valued membership test.
Use this for finite verification instead of the noncomputable
kindExtensionFinset, which requires Classical.dec for Set membership.
Example usage:
def lionMember : World → Animal → Bool
| _, .simba => true | _, .nala => true | _, _ => false
def lionExt := kindExtensionOfBool lionMember
Then pass lionExt directly to distributiveKindPred.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.kindExtensionOfBool member w = {w_1 : Atom | member w w_1 = true}
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Distributive Kind Predication: evaluate a kind at the actual world to get its maximal sum, then distribute a predicate over its atomic parts.
This is the composition of DIST from Plural/Distributivity.lean with
kind extension from Chierchia1998.lean. No Gen operator is involved.
Parameterized by kindExtension : W → Finset Atom (the computational
representation of the kind's extension). For a Kind value, use
kindExtensionFinset to obtain this.
Guerrini (2026), structure (30): ∀y(y ≤ ∩lions_{s₀}) → ⟦hunt⟧_{s₀}(y)
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.distributiveKindPred kindExtension P s₀ = Semantics.Lexical.Plural.Distributivity.distMaximal P (kindExtension s₀) s₀
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Trivalent truth value for Distributive Kind Predication.
Inherits homogeneity and non-maximality from DIST on referential plurals (Križ & Spector 2021). This predicts that accidental generalizations with bare plurals behave like referential definite plurals w.r.t. polarity reversals and exception tolerance.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.distributiveKindPredTV kindExtension P s₀ = Semantics.Lexical.Plural.Distributivity.pluralTruthValue P (kindExtension s₀) s₀
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Distributive Kind Predication composed directly from a Kind value.
Noncomputable because Set.toFinset requires classical decidability.
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Nominal form in the generalization.
- kindDenotingPlural : NominalForm
Kind-denoting plural: English bare plural or Italian definite plural
- singularIndefinite : NominalForm
Singular indefinite: "A lion hunts" / "Un leone caccia"
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Table 1 from Guerrini (2026): distribution of generalizations.
Kind-denoting plurals can appear in both law-like and accidental
generalizations. Singular indefinites can appear only in law-like ones.
The * for singular indefinite + accidental means the form is possible
only with a law-like construal forced.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.table1 Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.NominalForm.kindDenotingPlural Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.lawLike = true
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.table1 Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.NominalForm.kindDenotingPlural Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.accidental = true
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.table1 Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.NominalForm.singularIndefinite Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.lawLike = true
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.table1 Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.NominalForm.singularIndefinite Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.accidental = false
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Kind-denoting plurals have wider distribution than singular indefinites.
The LF parse determines the generalization flavor.
BFG → law-like (modal generalization, Gen quantifies over situations). DKP/CKP → accidental (no Gen; predicate applies to actual kind instances). DPP → neither law-like nor accidental: it's an existential episodic reading, not a generalization at all. We classify it as accidental (non-generic).
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.lfFlavor Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.bonaFideGeneric = Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.lawLike
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.lfFlavor Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.distributiveKindPred = Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.accidental
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.lfFlavor Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.cumulativeKindPred = Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.accidental
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.lfFlavor Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.existentialDPP = Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GenFlavor.accidental
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The accidental flavor is unavailable for singular indefinites.
Full derivation chain from the paper's argument:
- ∩ is undefined for singular count nouns (@cite{chierchia-1998})
- Without ∩, no kind denotation is available
- Without kind denotation, DKP and CKP are unavailable
- Without DKP/CKP, the only LF is BFG → only law-like readings
This explains why singular indefinites have a narrower distribution than kind-denoting plurals in generalizations.
Operator that introduces homogeneity (Guerrini's Table 3).
- dist : HomogeneitySource
DIST: distributes over individuals; homogeneity from trivalence
- gen : HomogeneitySource
Gen: modal quantifier; homogeneity from generic quantification
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Homogeneity remover: the adverb/quantifier that removes homogeneity.
- all : HomogeneityRemover
'all': replaces DIST with non-homogeneous universal ∀
- always : HomogeneityRemover
'always': replaces Gen with non-homogeneous universal ∀
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Table 3: which removers apply to which sources.
'all' removes DIST-homogeneity (it's the non-homogeneous counterpart of DIST). 'always' removes Gen-homogeneity (it's a non-homogeneous Q-adverb replacing Gen).
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Sentence type and its homogeneous LF sources.
- referentialDefinitePlural : SentenceType
Referential definite plural: "The kids are American"
- singularIndefiniteGeneric : SentenceType
Singular indefinite generic: "A lion hunts"
- kindDenotingPluralGeneric : SentenceType
Kind-denoting plural generic: "Lions hunt"
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Which homogeneity sources are present in each sentence type.
Referential definite plurals have only DIST. Singular indefinite generics have only Gen. Kind-denoting plural generics have BOTH (due to structural ambiguity).
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Which removers are available for each sentence type.
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Referential definite plurals: 'all' OK, 'always' not. "The bears are all brown" OK vs "#The bears are always brown"
Singular indefinite generics: 'always' OK, 'all' not. "A bear is always brown" OK vs "#A bear is all brown"
Kind-denoting plural generics: BOTH 'all' and 'always' OK. "Bears are all brown" OK AND "Bears are always brown" OK
Cross-linguistic nominal form.
- englishBarePlural : NominalExpression
- italianDefinitePlural : NominalExpression
- italianBarePlural : NominalExpression
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The Nominal Mapping Parameter for each nominal expression.
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Whether an overt determiner (D) is present.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.hasD Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.NominalExpression.englishBarePlural = false
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.hasD Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.NominalExpression.italianDefinitePlural = true
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.hasD Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.NominalExpression.italianBarePlural = false
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Available denotations for each nominal form in argument position.
For kind denotation, derived from canDenoteKind (Chierchia 1998).
For property denotation, derived from the Nominal Mapping Parameter
combined with D-status:
argOnly[+arg, -pred]: nouns are kinds, never propertiesargAndPred[+arg, +pred]: property denotation always available (D gives definiteness, not kind-forcing)predOnly[-arg, +pred]: nouns start as predicates; D maps them to kinds (via ∩), blocking the property reading
This yields:
- English BPs [+arg, +pred, -D]: both kind and property ✓
- Italian def pl [-arg, +pred, +D]: kind only (D forces kind) ✓
- Italian bare pl [-arg, +pred, -D]: property only (no ∩) ✓
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Italian definite plurals unambiguously denote kinds.
Italian bare plurals unambiguously denote properties.
Which LFs are available for a given nominal form.
Kind denotation enables DKP and CKP (kind-level LFs). Property denotation enables BFG (property enters Gen restrictor) and existential DPP (property yields low-scoped ∃). Diagram (145): four paths for English BPs, two via kind, two via property.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.lfAvailable ne Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.bonaFideGeneric = true
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English bare plurals allow all four LFs (diagram (145)): kind path → BFG, DKP, CKP; property path → BFG, DPP.
Italian definite plurals: kind-level LFs only (no property → no DPP). This predicts near-universal but no existential readings in episodics (§5.4).
Italian bare plurals: property-level LFs only (BFG + DPP, no DKP/CKP). This predicts existential but no near-universal readings in episodics (§5.4).
Episodic reading availability for bare plurals vs singular indefinites.
"Birds are migrating" can mean ≈ all birds are migrating (∀). "A bird is migrating" can only mean ∃ (or *∀ via Gen).
- sentence : String
- nominalForm : NominalForm
- nearUniversalOK : Bool
Near-universal (∀) reading via DIST on kind extension?
- existentialOK : Bool
Existential (∃) reading?
- notes : String
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Italian as a disambiguator for episodic bare plural readings #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §5.4: Italian separates the two LFs that are ambiguous in English bare plurals. English "investigative journalists asked questions" is ambiguous between:
- Kind reading (Italian definite plural): near-universal (DKP) "I giornalisti investigativi hanno posto domande" — all of them asked
- Property reading (Italian bare plural): existential (DPP) "Giornalisti investigativi hanno posto domande" — some of them asked
This is a direct consequence of the unambiguous denotation types in Italian: Italian definite plurals denote kinds → DKP → near-universal Italian bare plurals denote properties → DPP → existential
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Italian definite plurals get near-universal readings in episodics; Italian bare plurals get only existential readings. (§5.4)
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Italian definite plurals support accidental generalizations; Italian bare plurals do not. Derived from kind denotation availability.
Both generalization and episodic disambiguation derive from the same kind-denotation chain: def pl can denote kind → DKP available → accidental / near-universal; bare pl cannot → no DKP → no accidental / no near-universal.
Guerrini × Tessler & Goodman: Where Pragmatics Applies #
@cite{tessler-goodman-2019}'s threshold semantics and RSA inference apply specifically to the Bona Fide Generic parse. On this parse, a kind enters the restrictor of Gen, which is semantically parallel to a modalized universal quantifier. The threshold θ determines how many exceptions are tolerated, and pragmatic inference (L1 reasoning over priors on prevalence) explains context-sensitivity.
On the Distributive Kind Predication parse, by contrast, there is no Gen at all. The sentence's truth conditions are compositionally determined by DIST applied to the kind's extension at the evaluation world. This is a non-generic, non-quantificational reading. RSA generic inference does not apply here — the sentence is true iff (approximately) all actual members of the kind satisfy the predicate, modulo homogeneity/non-maximality from DIST.
Predictions for RSA #
Accidental generalizations resist pragmatic threshold adjustment. "LLMs are popular" on the DKP parse is true iff the actual LLMs are popular — no threshold, no prevalence inference. This explains why accidental generalizations feel "factual" rather than "generic."
Law-like generalizations show prevalence sensitivity. "Lions hunt" on the BFG parse is judged via prevalence × prior, exactly as @cite{tessler-goodman-2019} predict. The same utterance on its DKP parse is judged as a factual claim about actual lions.
Q-adverb diagnostics align. "Lions usually hunt" forces the BFG parse (overt Q-adverb replaces Gen). Since only this parse involves generic quantification, only this parse is subject to Tessler & Goodman's pragmatic inference. The DKP parse is unavailable with overt Q-adverbs — DIST and Q-adverbs compete for the same structural position.
Whether a given LF parse is subject to RSA generic inference (Tessler & Goodman 2019's threshold semantics).
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.subjectToGenericInference Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.bonaFideGeneric = true
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.subjectToGenericInference Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.distributiveKindPred = false
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.subjectToGenericInference Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.cumulativeKindPred = false
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.subjectToGenericInference Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.existentialDPP = false
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Only the Bona Fide Generic parse is subject to T&G inference.
Prevalence of P among atoms in an extension at world w.
This is the proportion of kind-instances satisfying P: |{a ∈ ext | P(a,w)}| / |ext|. It is the bridge quantity between DKP (which checks ∀ atoms) and T&G (which checks prevalence > θ).
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DKP true ↔ prevalence = 1.
When all atoms in the kind's extension satisfy P, prevalence is 100%. This is the extensional, non-generic truth condition of the DKP parse: the generalization is "true" in the same way a referential definite plural statement is true — all actual instances satisfy the predicate.
DKP trivalent-false ↔ prevalence = 0.
When no atoms satisfy P, the generalization is determinately false, not merely gapped.
DKP true implies T&G generic meaning is true at every threshold.
If DKP gives 'true' (all actual instances of the kind satisfy P), then prevalence = 100%, which exceeds every threshold in T&G's model. The DKP parse is a stronger truth condition than any threshold-based generic: it entails the BFG parse at all thresholds.
DKP gap is exactly the domain where T&G does real work.
When prevalence is intermediate (0 < p < 1), the DKP parse gives a trivalent gap (some but not all atoms satisfy P), while the BFG parse's truth depends on whether prevalence exceeds the threshold.
At p = 0.7 and θ = 0.6: generic meaning is true (0.7 > 0.6). At p = 0.7 and θ = 0.8: generic meaning is false (0.7 ≯ 0.8).
This is exactly the region where T&G's pragmatic inference — listener reasoning over priors on prevalence — determines the judgment. Guerrini's contribution is showing this inference applies only to the BFG parse, not the DKP parse.
The two parses can disagree: DKP gap with BFG true.
Witness: 10 atoms, 7 satisfy P, 3 don't.
- DKP: trivalent gap (not all satisfy, not none satisfy)
- BFG (at θ = 0.6): true (prevalence 0.7 > 0.6)
This formalizes Guerrini's core explanation: "accidental" generalizations feel factual (DKP requires near-universality) while "law-like" generalizations tolerate exceptions (BFG uses threshold, and pragmatic inference determines what counts as "enough").
Italian mood in relative clause modifying the subject DP.
- indicative : ItalianMood
- subjunctive : ItalianMood
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The Italian subjunctive is licensed inside the restrictor of Gen (a broadly intensional environment). Therefore:
- Subjunctive-modified DP → must be in Gen restrictor → BFG parse only
- Indicative-modified DP → compatible with both BFG and DKP parses
Guerrini (2026), example (44): "I candidati che si {presentano/presentino} con molto anticipo non vengono assunti."
- Indicative: law-like AND accidental readings available
- Subjunctive: only law-like reading available
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Available LFs given mood on the relative clause.
Subjunctive is licensed inside the restrictor of Gen (an intensional environment). DKP, CKP, and DPP place the DP outside Gen, so the subject DP is not in Gen's restrictor — subjunctive is not licensed.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.lfAvailableWithMood Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.ItalianMood.indicative lf = true
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Subjunctive disambiguates: only Bona Fide Generic survives.
Indicative preserves full ambiguity.
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BFG as an instance of GEN; DKP as an instance of DIST #
The two parses connect to different operators in the theory layer:
BFG instantiates
traditionalGENfromGenerics.lean: the kind's extension provides the restrictor, the VP provides the scope, and Gen's normalcy parameter captures the hidden context-dependence that @cite{tessler-goodman-2019}'s RSA model replaces with prevalence priors.DKP instantiates
distMaximalfromDistributivity.lean: no GEN operator is involved — the predicate distributes over the kind's extension at the actual world via DIST.
These are not parallel formalisms applied to the same data — they are structurally different semantic compositions that yield different truth conditions and different pragmatic properties.
The Bona Fide Generic parse is compositionally an instance of traditionalGEN: the kind provides the restrictor, the VP the scope, and Gen's normalcy parameter is the hidden contextual factor.
This function makes the compositional content of BFG explicit.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.evalBFG situations normal kindRestrictor predScope = Semantics.Lexical.Noun.Kind.Generics.traditionalGEN situations normal kindRestrictor predScope
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Table 1 is derivable from LF availability + LF → flavor mapping.
Kind-denoting plurals support both flavors because they have LFs of both flavor types (BFG for law-like, DKP/CKP for accidental). Singular indefinites support only law-like because all their available LFs (just BFG) map to the law-like flavor.
@cite{longobardi-2001}'s referential BN reading corresponds to DKP/CKP
parses: both require kind denotation. The bridge is through Chierchia's
canDenoteKind, which both papers use.
English BPs: canDenote .englishBarePlural .kind = true (Guerrini)
↔ bnCanBeReferential english = true (Longobardi)
Italian bare plurals: canDenote .italianBarePlural .kind = false (Guerrini)
↔ bnCanBeReferential romance = false (Longobardi)
@cite{longobardi-2001}'s quantificational-only BN = only BFG parse.
DKP/CKP require kind denotation, which strongD blocks for BNs.
English BPs: all three LFs (BFG + DKP + CKP) Italian bare plurals: BFG only
End-to-end chain from @cite{longobardi-2001}'s strongD to Table 1:
strongD = true(Romance) →bnCanBeReferential = false- →
canDenoteKind (.predOnly) false = false(Chierchia) - →
canDenote .italianBarePlural .kind = false(Guerrini) - →
lfAvailable .italianBarePlural .distributiveKindPred = false - → accidental generalizations unavailable (only BFG → law-like)
- →
table1 .singularIndefinite .accidental = false
@cite{longobardi-2001}'s GenericType aligns with GenFlavor:
indefinite generics are law-like (BFG); definite generics can be
accidental (DKP).
Cumulative Kind Predication: evaluate a kind at the actual world,
then apply the cumulative operator ** to the kind extension and
a set of locations/arguments.
@cite{guerrini-2026} §4, structure (62): **(λy.λx.⟦Hab live-in⟧{s₀}(x, y))(Africa ⊕ Asia)(∩elephants{s₀})
This connects GeneralizationLF.cumulativeKindPred to the theory-layer
** operator from Cumulativity.lean.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.cumulativeKindPred R kindExtension locations = Semantics.Lexical.Plural.Cumulativity.cumulativeOp R kindExtension locations
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Cumulativity Comes from ** (CKP), Not from Gen #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §4.2: Gen itself does not encode cumulativity. Evidence:
Q-adverb test: Adding Q-adverbs (which replace Gen) removes cumulative readings. "Wugs are always/often/typically black, white, green, and red" — only the "all four colors simultaneously" reading survives, not the cumulative "each wug is one color" reading (ex. (69)).
Italian subjunctive test: Forcing the BFG parse (kind in Gen's restrictor) removes cumulative readings. "I linguisti che si occupino di semantica..." — only distributive, not cumulative (ex. (71)).
This means cumulative readings must arise from the CKP LF (which uses ** independently of Gen), not from a cumulative BFG LF.
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Q-adverbs kill cumulative readings, confirming that cumulative readings arise from ** (CKP) and not from Gen.
Epistemic Adjectives Block Kind Predication #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §5.2.2: Nonlocal readings of epistemic adjectives like "unknown" and "unidentified" block kind denotation, which in turn blocks the near-universal reading via Distributive Kind Predication.
The argument: "unknown X" under its nonlocal reading ("X whose identity is unknown to the speaker") denotes a property that cannot correspond to a natural kind. Since ∩ is only defined for natural-kind-forming properties, the kind-level LF is unavailable, and so is DKP.
This provides independent evidence that near-universal episodic readings require kind denotation (via DKP), not just universality from context.
Whether an adjective reading supports kind predication.
- local : AdjReading
Local: adjective modifies noun content (descriptive). "American voters" = voters who are American. Supports kind.
- nonlocal : AdjReading
Nonlocal: adjective contributes propositional content. "Unknown voters" = voters whose identity is unknown to speaker. Does NOT support kind.
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Kind predication is available only with local adjective readings.
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Epistemic adjective datum from @cite{guerrini-2026}, examples (99)–(104).
- bareNP : String
- adjReading : AdjReading
- nearUniversalOK : Bool
- existentialOK : Bool
- notes : String
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The epistemic adjective diagnostic derives from the same kind-denotation → DKP chain as Table 1.
Local adj → kind OK → DKP available → near-universal OK Nonlocal adj → no kind → no DKP → near-universal blocked
Q-Adverb Resistance as a DKP Diagnostic #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §3.1: Q-adverbs like "usually" and "rarely" are overt counterparts of Gen (Krifka et al. 1995). Since DKP does not involve Gen, Q-adverbs are incompatible with DKP readings. This provides a diagnostic: if a Q-adverb is added, only the BFG parse survives, and accidental readings disappear.
§5.1: Episodic bare plurals with DKP allow 'all' (DIST's non-homogeneous counterpart) but not 'always' (Gen's counterpart), confirming the absence of Gen from the DKP parse.
Q-adverb diagnostic datum (§3.1 examples (25), (49); §5.1 examples (89)-(90)).
- sentence : String
- nominalForm : NominalForm
- qAdvCompatible : Bool
Does adding a Q-adverb allow the intended reading?
- testedReading : GenFlavor
What reading is being tested?
- notes : String
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Q-adverbs (Gen counterparts) are incompatible with accidental/episodic DKP readings, confirming that DKP does not involve Gen.
The Q-adverb asymmetry aligns with Table 3: episodic bare plurals (DKP parse) accept 'all' but not 'always', confirming they have DIST but not Gen in their LF.
QVE Absence as a DKP Diagnostic #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §1, §3.1, §5.1: Quantificational Variability Effects (QVEs) are the hallmark of generic quantification. A sentence like "Birds rarely fly" (= QVE with 'rarely') is interpreted as "few birds fly" — the Q-adverb varies the quantificational force. QVEs arise when Gen is present, because Q-adverbs are overt counterparts of Gen.
Key fact: episodic bare plurals lack QVEs (examples (8), (90), (92)):
- "Birds are rarely migrating" ≉ "Few birds are migrating"
- "Birds are always migrating" does NOT yield episodic QVE
This absence is predicted by the DKP analysis: no Gen → no Q-adverb slot → no QVE. On the BFG analysis, QVEs would be expected but don't appear.
Whether a given LF parse supports Quantificational Variability Effects.
QVEs arise only when Gen is present (Gen is the covert Q-adverb that overt Q-adverbs like 'usually', 'rarely' replace).
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.supportsQVE Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.bonaFideGeneric = true
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.supportsQVE Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.distributiveKindPred = false
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.supportsQVE Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.cumulativeKindPred = false
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.supportsQVE Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.existentialDPP = false
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Only BFG supports QVEs. DKP's absence of QVEs is a direct consequence of not having Gen in the LF. Examples (8), (90), (92) in the paper.
QVE absence aligns with Q-adverb incompatibility: both are consequences of the same structural fact (no Gen in DKP).
DPP Completes the Four-Way Typology #
@cite{guerrini-2026} diagram (145) shows English bare plurals have
four LF paths. Two via kind denotation (DKP, CKP), two via property
denotation (BFG, DPP). The DPP path yields the existential reading
of episodic bare plurals ("Bears are destroying my garden" ≈ ∃x[bear(x)
∧ destroying-my-garden(x)]), grounded via DPP from
Chierchia1998.lean.
DPP (from Chierchia1998.lean) is the compositional engine behind
the .existentialDPP LF parse.
This theorem connects the structural LF typology to the theory-layer definition: existential readings arise exactly when property denotation is available, via DPP.
The four-way LF typology from diagram (145), connecting denotation types to available LFs and their truth conditions:
Kind path:
- BFG: Gen(⟦kind⟧, ⟦VP⟧) — law-like, prevalence-sensitive
- DKP: DIST(⟦VP⟧)(∩kind_{s₀}) — near-universal over actual instances
- CKP: **(⟦VP⟧)(locations)(∩kind_{s₀}) — cumulative coverage
Property path:
- BFG: Gen(⟦property⟧, ⟦VP⟧) — law-like, prevalence-sensitive
- DPP: ∃x[property(x) ∧ VP(x)] — low-scoped existential
The Role of Hab in Both LF Structures #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §3.4: The VP in habitual sentences involves a habitual
aspect operator Hab (formalized in Theories/Semantics/Lexical/Verb/Habituals.lean
as traditionalHAB). On the "habituality is genericity" view
(@cite{chierchia-1995}, @cite{chierchia-1998}), Hab IS Gen applied to situations
involving a single individual. On the Dobrovie-Sorin (2001) view, Hab is a
distinct operator below Gen.
Either way, the paper's structural ambiguity holds. The two LF structures (41a) and (41b)/(42b) share the same "low part" (⟦Hab VP⟧) but differ in what appears ABOVE it:
- (41a) BFG: Gen(kind, ⟦Hab VP⟧) — Gen binds the kind's world variable
- (41b) DKP: DIST(⟦Hab VP⟧)(kind_{s₀}) — kind evaluated at actual world
For episodic sentences ("Birds are migrating"), there is no Hab at all — the VP is evaluated directly at s₀. DKP still applies (DIST over kind extension), but BFG requires Hab/Gen to be present. This is why episodic bare plurals get near-universal readings without generic quantification.
VP aspect: habitual or episodic.
Habitual VPs involve the Hab operator (see Habituals.lean).
Episodic VPs are evaluated directly at the world of evaluation.
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Which LFs are compatible with which aspect.
BFG requires Gen, which in turn requires either Hab or an overt Q-adverb to provide the quantificational structure. In episodic sentences (no Hab, no Q-adverb), BFG is unavailable — only DKP/CKP/DPP survive.
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.lfCompatibleWithAspect Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.VPAspect.habitual lf = true
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In episodic sentences, BFG is unavailable — only DKP/CKP/DPP.
This explains the episodic asymmetry (§5):
- Bare plurals in episodics: DKP available → near-universal ✓
- Singular indefinites in episodics: no DKP, no BFG (episodic) → only ∃
The singular indefinite chain goes through ∩ being undefined for
singular count nouns (downDefinedFor), NOT through the Italian
bare plural's [-arg] parameter (which is a different mechanism).
Singular Kinds Cannot Support Accidental or Cumulative Readings #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §6.2: Singular kind terms ("the dodo", "the madrigal") differ strikingly from plural kind terms ("dodos", "madrigals"):
- Kind predication OK for both ("The dodo is extinct" / "Dodos are extinct")
- Genericity + QVE OK for singular kinds ("The lion rarely has a mane")
- Accidental readings unavailable for singular kinds
- Cumulative readings unavailable for singular kinds
This follows from treating singular kinds as atomic (following @cite{barker-1992}, @cite{schwarzschild-1996}, @cite{dayal-2004}). DIST does not apply to atoms (only to pluralities), so DKP is unavailable. The cumulative operator ** similarly requires pluralities.
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Singular kind terms are atomic — DIST and ** do not apply. Only BFG is available (kind enters Gen restrictor).
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.singularKindLFAvailable Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.bonaFideGeneric = true
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.singularKindLFAvailable Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.distributiveKindPred = false
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.singularKindLFAvailable Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.cumulativeKindPred = false
- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.singularKindLFAvailable Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.GeneralizationLF.existentialDPP = false
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Singular kind terms support only law-like readings.
Singular kind divergence datum from §6.2, examples (133)–(136).
- sentence : String
- kindTermNumber : KindTermNumber
- accidentalOK : Bool
- cumulativeOK : Bool
- notes : String
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Singular kind terms lack accidental and cumulative readings; plural kind terms support both.
Greenberg (2002, 2004, 2007): Further Evidence for DKP #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §3.7: @cite{greenberg-2002} @cite{greenberg-2004} @cite{greenberg-2007} presented data teasing apart bare plurals from singular indefinites in accidentally-flavored generalizations.
Temporally modified sentences (@cite{greenberg-2004}): "Italian restaurants are closed today" can be true accidentally (national holiday). The singular "An Italian restaurant is closed today" requires a law-like link.
"Extremely unnatural kinds" (@cite{greenberg-2007}): "Norwegian students with names ending in 's' wear thick green socks" — true via DKP (actual students happen to), but the singular is infelicitous (no law-like link).
Greenberg datum from @cite{guerrini-2026} §3.7.
- sentence : String
- nominalForm : NominalForm
- accidentalOK : Bool
- lawLikeOK : Bool
- notes : String
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Bare plurals support accidental readings; singular indefinites do not.
Homogeneity in Episodic Bare Plurals #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §5.1: Near-universal episodic readings ("Birds are migrating") arise from DKP — DIST over the kind extension at s₀. Since there is no Gen in this LF:
- 'all' removes homogeneity (targets DIST): "Birds are all migrating" ✓
- 'always' does NOT apply (no Gen to target): "#Birds are always migrating" forces a habitual/generic reparse, not an episodic reading.
This is a direct consequence of Table 3 (§4): episodic DKP has DIST-homogeneity but no Gen-homogeneity.
Episodic homogeneity removal datum.
- sentence : String
- remover : HomogeneityRemover
- episodicOK : Bool
- notes : String
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In episodic DKP, 'all' preserves the episodic reading but 'always' forces a generic reparse. DIST but no Gen → only 'all' applies.
Derives from Table 3: episodic DKP has DIST-homogeneity (removable by 'all') but no Gen-homogeneity ('always' vacuous).
DKP Inherits Homogeneity and Non-Maximality from DIST #
@cite{guerrini-2026} §5.1, §6.1: The near-universal reading from Distributive Kind Predication is homogeneous and non-maximal, just like referential definite plurals. This follows directly from DKP being compositionally DIST applied to the kind extension — the trivalent truth conditions are inherited, not stipulated.
This connects to the theory-neutral homogeneity data in
Phenomena/Plurals/Homogeneity.lean (@cite{kriz-2015} @cite{kriz-spector-2021})
and non-maximality data in Phenomena/Plurals/NonMaximality.lean.
The paper's examples (88)–(90) make this explicit:
- "Birds are migrating" — possibly non-maximal, ∼ ∀ (DKP + homogeneity)
- "Birds are not migrating" — possibly non-maximal, ∼ ¬∃ (negated homogeneity)
- "Birds are all migrating" — maximal, ∼ ∀ ('all' removes DIST homogeneity)
- "#Birds are always migrating" — forces generic reparse (Gen absent)
These are exactly the predictions of distributiveKindPredTV (§2) inheriting
pluralTruthValue from Distributivity.lean.
DKP truth value is computed via DIST (pluralTruthValue), so it
inherits the homogeneity gap from referential definite plurals.
This is the formal bridge between Guerrini's analysis and the Križ & Spector homogeneity theory: the same trivalent operator that gives definite plurals their characteristic behavior also gives kind-denoting plurals their non-maximal, exception-tolerant readings. The parallel is not stipulated — it's structural.
Compositional Trees: Two LF Parses Evaluated End-to-End #
@cite{guerrini-2026} structures (29), (30), (105b)
Demonstrates that the BFG and DKP parses of "Lions hunt" can be represented
as Tree Unit String values and evaluated via the existing interp machinery,
with covert operators (Gen, DIST, DPP) as lexicon entries.
The scenario #
Three lions: Simba (hunts), Nala (hunts), Mufasa (doesn't hunt).
- BFG parse: Gen(lion, hunt) — "generally, lions hunt" → true (2 out of 3 lions hunt; the generic quantifier tolerates exceptions)
- DKP parse: DIST(hunt)(∩lions_{s₀}) — "all actual lions hunt" → false (Mufasa doesn't hunt; DIST requires universality)
- DPP parse: DPP(lion, hunt) — "some lion hunts" → true (existential; at least one lion hunts)
This demonstrates the core of @cite{guerrini-2026}: the same surface sentence "Lions hunt" has two structurally distinct LFs that can disagree in truth value.
Demo entity domain: three individual lions plus the lion-kind (the maximal sum ∩lions_{s₀}, treated as a fourth entity).
- simba : DemoEntity
- nala : DemoEntity
- mufasa : DemoEntity
- lionKind : DemoEntity
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- Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.instBEqDemoEntity = { beq := fun (a b : Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Guerrini2026.DemoEntity) => decide (a = b) }
The three parses disagree: same surface sentence, different truth values.
BFG: true — Gen tolerates exceptions (2/3 lions hunt) DKP: false — DIST requires all atoms (Mufasa doesn't hunt) DPP: true — ∃ requires at least one (Simba hunts)
When all lions hunt, BFG and DKP agree: both true.