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Linglib.Phenomena.Generics.Studies.Cohen2013

@cite{cohen-2013}: No Quantification without Reinterpretation #

Ariel Cohen, "No Quantification without Reinterpretation." Chapter 13 in Genericity (ed. Mari, Beyssade, Del Prete), OUP, pp. 334–351.

Thesis #

The generic quantifier GEN is not a phonologically null version of an overt quantifier — it is introduced by the hearer through reinterpretation of quantifier-free input. The two reinterpretation mechanisms (Predicate Transfer for generics, type-shifting for habituals) explain the different scopal properties of generics vs habituals.

Empirical Generalizations (§13.2) #

ConstructionScope behavior
Overt quantifier (every, ∀)Full scope ambiguity
Generic (bare plural subject)Ambiguous, except in opaque contexts
Habitual (no restrictor)Narrow scope only
Habitual (with restrictor)Ambiguous (restrictor provides Q site)
Bare plural in habitualScope below habitual (DRT constraint)

Core Proposal (§§13.3–13.4) #

Argumentation Chain (§13.3.1 → §13.4.2) #

The paper's key argument flows through the Partee-Rooth SHIFT operator:

  1. SHIFT does not commute with negation (shift_neg_noncommutative)
  2. Any type-shift shares this non-commutativity property
  3. γ is a type-shift, so γ does not commute with ∃ (gamma_noncommutative)
  4. Therefore γ must apply at the type-mismatch site (locally)
  5. Therefore the existential from the indefinite scopes over γ
  6. Therefore habituals take narrow scope (habitual_narrow_scope)

Formalization Strategy #

We verify Cohen's scope predictions using finite models, with definitions built directly on transferGen and gamma from PredicateTransfer.lean:

  1. Storks / nesting areas: T_g applied locally vs globally gives different truth conditions → generics are scopally ambiguous
  2. Mary / cigarettes: γ applied locally gives the implausible narrow- scope reading; the plausible wide-scope reading would require global γ, which is unavailable because the type mismatch is at the verb level
  3. Scope hierarchy: overt > predicateTransfer > typeShift

These connect to PredicateTransfer.lean (T_g, γ, SHIFT, QuantifierSource), Generics.lean (traditionalGEN), Habituals.lean (traditionalHAB), CovertQuantifier.lean (shared covertQ), and Scope.lean (ScopeConfig).

A datum recording the scope behavior of a construction type with respect to another operator (negation, existential, attitude).

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    §13.2.1: Generics interact scopally with negation. "Cows do not eat nettles" — ambiguous between gen > ¬ and ¬ > gen.

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      §13.2.1: Generics cannot scope out of opaque contexts. "The King believes enemy spies are loyal" — only bel > gen.

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        §13.2.1: Generics exhibit scope ambiguity in transparent contexts. "Storks have a favorite nesting area" — gen > ∃ and ∃ > gen.

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          §13.2.2: Habituals without restrictor take narrow scope only. "#John smokes a cigarette" — only ∃ > hab (implausible).

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            §13.2.2: Habituals WITH restrictor are ambiguous. "John smokes a cigarette when he is nervous" — hab > ∃ and ∃ > hab.

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              §13.2.2: Bare plurals in habituals take scope below the habitual. "John smokes cigarettes" — only hab > gen (not gen > hab).

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                Storks / Nesting Areas #

                "Storks have a favorite nesting area"

                Initial LF: ∃x(nesting-area(x) ∧ have(∩storks, x))

                This is anomalous: kinds don't have nesting areas — individuals do. So Predicate Transfer applies (T_g from PredicateTransfer.lean), with two options depending on the level of application:

                The kind ∩storks is modeled as Unit (a single kind-level entity); instances are individual storks. This follows @cite{chierchia-1998}'s ∩ (down) operator, where ∩storks denotes the kind, and ∪(∩storks) gives the extension (the set of individual storks). Here instanceOfStork plays the role of ∪.

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                    GEN as universal over storks (simplified: all storks are "normal").

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                      Chierchia's ∪ applied to ∩storks: every Stork is an instance of the kind.

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                        The kind ∩storks (a single kind-level entity).

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                          Local T_g: ∃area(T_g(λy.nestsIn(y, area))(∩storks)) = ∃area(gen_y[stork(y)][nestsIn(y, area)]) "There is one area that, in general, storks nest in."

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                            Global T_g: T_g(λy.∃area(nestsIn(y, area)))(∩storks) = gen_y[stork(y)][∃area(nestsIn(y, area))] "In general, storks nest in some area (possibly different)."

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                              Generic scope ambiguity: local and global T_g yield different truth conditions. This is why generics in transparent contexts are scopally ambiguous — Predicate Transfer can apply at either level.

                              The two readings correspond to ScopeConfig.surface (∃ > gen) and ScopeConfig.inverse (gen > ∃).

                              From SHIFT Non-Commutativity to γ Locality #

                              Cohen's argument for habitual narrow scope flows through the Partee-Rooth SHIFT operator (@cite{partee-rooth-1983}):

                              1. shift_neg_noncommutative (in PredicateTransfer.lean) proves that SHIFT does not commute with negation: ¬SHIFT(V) ≠ SHIFT(¬V).

                              2. γ is a type-shift (it resolves a type mismatch between eventive predicates and moments). Like any type-shift, γ does not commute with other operators.

                              3. gamma_noncommutative below proves the concrete instance: γ does not commute with the existential quantifier over our finite model.

                              4. Therefore γ must apply at the type-mismatch site — the verb level — before the existential from the indefinite object is composed in.

                              5. This forces the existential to scope over the habitual GEN.

                              Mary / Cigarettes #

                              "Mary smokes a cigarette"

                              The verb smoke is eventive: λy.λx.λe.smoke(x, y, e). In present tense, it applies to the speech time t₀ (a moment). Since an eventive verb requires an interval but receives a moment, there is a type mismatch. γ fires at the verb level:

                              γ(λe.smoke(m, c, e))(t₀) — this is what happens. THEN the object composes, yielding: ∃c(cigarette(c) ∧ γ(λe.smoke(m, c, e))(t₀))

                              The existential (from the indefinite) takes wide scope over γ, giving the implausible reading "there is one cigarette that Mary habitually smokes."

                              The plausible reading (different cigarettes each time) would require GEN to scope over ∃. But that would need γ to apply globally — after the existential is composed in — which is unavailable because the type mismatch is at the verb level (step 4 of the argumentation chain above).

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                                      GEN over occasions (simplified: all occasions are relevant).

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                                        All occasions are contained in the relevant interval of speech time t₀.

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                                          Local γ (γ at verb, then object composes): ∃c(cigarette(c) ∧ γ(λe.smoke(m,c,e))(t₀)) "There is one cigarette that Mary habitually smokes."

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                                            Global γ (hypothetical — if γ could apply to the whole VP): γ(λe.∃c(cigarette(c) ∧ smoke(m,c,e)))(t₀) "Mary is habitually in a situation where she smokes some cigarette."

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                                              Habitual narrow scope: local and global γ differ, but only local is available. The plausible wide-scope reading is blocked because γ must apply at the type-mismatch site (the verb level).

                                              This explains why "#John smokes a cigarette" is odd: the only available reading (∃ > hab) is implausible.

                                              The narrow-scope-only prediction matches the empirical datum.

                                              γ does not commute with ∃ on our model.

                                              This is the concrete instance of the general non-commutativity argument from §13.3.1 (proved abstractly for SHIFT in shift_neg_noncommutative). The non-commutativity is what forces γ to apply locally.

                                              Both T_g and γ produce instances of covertQ, confirming that CovertQuantifier.lean's shared infrastructure correctly captures the common logical form. The difference is upstream (how the quantifier is introduced), not downstream (what it evaluates to).

                                              T_g with our stork model reduces to covertQ storks because instanceOfStork y () = true for all y, making the restrictor equivalent to fun y => true — i.e., all storks are in the domain.

                                              γ with our model reduces to covertQ occasions because containedInSpeech e () = true for all e, making the restrictor equivalent to fun e => true — i.e., all occasions are relevant.

                                              The available scope configurations for generics: both surface and inverse scope (matching Scope.allScopeConfigs).

                                              The available scope configuration for unrestricted habituals: surface scope only (the covert Q takes narrow scope).

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