Generic Quantification as Modal Necessity #
@cite{krifka-etal-1995} @cite{cohen-2013} @cite{asher-pelletier-2012}
This module makes explicit the structural parallel between the GEN operator and Kratzer's modal necessity.
The Parallel #
| GEN | Modal necessity (Kratzer) |
|---|---|
| Domain: situations | Domain: possible worlds |
| Restriction: normal ∧ kind | Restriction: modal base f(w) |
| Scope: predicated property | Scope: prejacent proposition p |
| Hidden: normalcy predicate | Hidden: ordering source g(w) |
| Force: quasi-universal (∀) | Force: necessity (∀ over best) |
Both are restricted universal quantifiers over a contextually determined domain. The normalcy predicate in GEN plays the same structural role as the ordering source in Kratzer's semantics: it selects the "best" or "most normal" elements from the accessible domain.
Cohen's Argument (@cite{cohen-2013}) #
Ariel Cohen (ch. 13 of the Genericity book) argues that GEN is not a
phonologically null version of an overt quantifier — it is introduced
by the hearer through reinterpretation. Cohen identifies two devices:
Predicate Transfer (pragmatic, for generics — yields scope ambiguities
except in opaque contexts) and type-shifting (semantic, for habituals —
yields narrow scope only). See Theories/Semantics/Composition/PredicateTransfer.lean
for the formal definitions (T_g, γ, QuantifierSource) and
Phenomena/Generics/Studies/Cohen2013.lean for the scope predictions
verified on finite models. The present module draws a further connection
not made by Cohen: the resulting generic quantifier has the structure
of modal quantification (restricted universal over a contextually
filtered domain).
Asher & Pelletier (@cite{asher-pelletier-2012}) #
Asher & Pelletier (ch. 12) analyze generics as modal quantification over circumstances, with the restrictor providing the modal base and normalcy providing the ordering source.
GEN and modal necessity share the same logical form: ∀x ∈ BEST(domain, ordering). scope(x)
This structure captures the parallel at the type level.
- domain : List D
The domain of quantification
- restriction : D → Bool
The restriction (selects relevant elements)
- scope : D → Bool
The scope (what must hold of restricted elements)
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Evaluate a restricted universal: ∀d ∈ domain. restriction(d) → scope(d)
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GEN as a restricted universal over situations.
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GEN evaluation matches the restricted universal evaluation.
Modal necessity as a restricted universal over worlds. With empty ordering source, this is simple necessity over accessible worlds.
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- Phenomena.Generics.CompareModality.modalAsRU accessible p = { domain := accessible, restriction := fun (x : Semantics.Attitudes.Intensional.World) => true, scope := p }
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Modal necessity matches the restricted universal. (With the trivial restriction, the RU reduces to ∀w ∈ accessible. p(w).)
The normalcy predicate in GEN plays the same role as the ordering source in Kratzer semantics. Both filter the domain down to "best" elements.
This is a structural observation, not a definitional identity: GEN uses a binary normal/abnormal distinction while Kratzer uses a preorder. The binary case is the degenerate case where the ordering has exactly two equivalence classes.
- binaryNormalcy : DomainFilterStrategy
- preorderBest : DomainFilterStrategy
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