Özyıldız, Qing, Roelofsen, Uegaki & Romero (2025) #
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025}
Operationalizing focus-sensitivity in a cross-linguistic context. Natural Language Semantics 34:47–83.
Core Contributions #
- Definition of focus-sensitivity for clause-embedding predicates (def 2/58)
- Structural Rooth–Villalta bridge:
liftDegreeFS— degree predicates are focus-sensitive because focus alternatives determine the comparison class;liftNonFS— doxastic predicates are not (§2b) - Two-step diagnostic: inference-based + truth-based test (§3)
- Substrate/conflicting attitude framework: why UE predicates can't support
the contexts needed for Villalta-style tests (
ue_recipe_inconsistent, §4) - Conjectured semantic universals T and I (§7)
- Counterexample predicates: B'/B'' (evading truth/inference tests), D'/D'' (false positives/negatives for non-UE predicates), P (T–I independence)
Architecture #
Focus-sensitivity for clause-embedding predicates structurally connects two existing linglib modules:
Theories/Semantics/Focus/Interpretation.lean: Rooth 1992 focus alternatives (PropFocusValue W)Theories/Semantics/Attitudes/Preferential.lean: Villalta 2008 degree semantics (PreferenceFunction,ThresholdFunction,QuestionDen)
The connection is made structural by liftDegreeFS, which lifts a degree
predicate μ(x,p) > θ(C) to a ClauseEmbedPred by setting C = altsToC(⟦α⟧f).
This makes the key insight — focus alternatives = comparison class —
true by construction, not just documented.
Focus-Sensitivity: The Missing Property #
Linglib's PreferentialPredicate tracks veridical/valence/C-distributivity
but not focus-sensitivity. This study adds it as a classifiable property,
connecting @cite{dretske-1972}'s original observation to the formal apparatus
of @cite{rooth-1992} and @cite{villalta-2008}.
Cross-References #
- @cite{qing-uegaki-2025}: Same author team; NVP question-embedding (C-distributivity + TSP)
- @cite{uegaki-sudo-2019}: The hope-wh puzzle
- @cite{romero-2015-salt}: Surprise-predicates and exhaustivity
- @cite{harner-2016}: Semantic focus-sensitivity for attitude predicates
- @cite{wehbe-flor-2022}: Focus-sensitivity and homogeneity
- @cite{tonhauser-matthewson-2016}: Desiderata for semantic data collection
Definition of Focus-Sensitivity #
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} def 2: A clause-embedding predicate V is focus-sensitive iff there exist a context C and two clauses S, S' that are only different in terms of the placement of focus such that: (i) ⌜x Vs S⌝ and ⌜x Vs S'⌝ have different truth values in C, and (ii) the difference in truth values cannot be attributed to factors independent from the use of V.
Condition (ii) rules out confounds from embedded focus-sensitive operators like only or even.
Formalization #
Following @cite{rooth-1992}, two clauses "differing only in focus" have the same ordinary semantic value but different focus semantic values. A focus-sensitive predicate is one whose truth conditions depend on the focus alternatives (⟦α⟧f), not just the ordinary value (⟦α⟧o).
This connects directly to @cite{villalta-2008}: the comparison class C in the degree semantics μ(x,p) > θ(C) IS (derived from) the focus alternatives. Focus-sensitivity = sensitivity to C.
Focus-Sensitivity Classification #
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} classifies predicates through their two-step test. Results for English predicates discussed in the paper:
| Predicate | Focus-sensitive? | Evidence (paper examples) |
|---|---|---|
| want | ✓ | (7)–(10): conflicting preferences |
| be glad | ✓ | (15): factive + conflicting attitudes |
| know | ✗ | (16): no truth-value difference |
| believe | ✗ | (53)–(54): both inferences are entailments |
| be surprised | ✓ | (20)–(24): conflicting likelihood judgments |
| guess | ✓ | (21): speech act focus-sensitivity |
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- Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.instBEqClassification.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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The General Recipe for Villalta-Style Contexts #
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} §4, ex. (22): Given predicate V and target sentences ⌜x Vs that ... A... B_F ...⌝ and ⌜x Vs that ... A_F ... B ...⌝, construct a context C that makes all of the following true:
- Substrate attitude: The presuppositions of ⌜x Vs that ... A... B_F ...⌝
- Conflicting attitudes:
- (i) x Vs that ... B ... (V applied to B-content only)
- (ii) ¬[x Vs that ... A ...] (negation of V applied to A-content)
Why It Works for Preferential Predicates #
For want: substrate = DOXASTIC (belief that John will teach), conflicting = PREFERENTIAL (Lisa prefers Thursdays, disprefers John). Different modalities → consistent.
For be glad: substrate = DOXASTIC (factive + belief), conflicting = PREFERENTIAL. Different modalities → consistent.
For be surprised: substrate = DOXASTIC (belief), conflicting = LIKELIHOOD expectations. Different modalities → consistent.
Why It Fails for Believe (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} ex. (28)) #
For believe: substrate = DOXASTIC (belief), conflicting = DOXASTIC (belief). SAME modality → the conflicting attitude (ii) ¬[x believes A] contradicts the substrate, because the substrate entails x believes A (by UE).
This structural impossibility explains the empirical correlation captured
by nonfs_predicates_are_UE: UE predicates can't support the conflicting
attitudes needed to demonstrate focus-sensitivity.
For a UE predicate, the substrate attitude V(x, A∧B) entails the content that the conflicting attitude (ii) negates: V(x, A).
Proof: A∧B ⊆ A (pointwise), so V(x, A∧B) → V(x, A) by UE.
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} §4, ex. (28): the believe impossibility.
Corollary: no consistent Villalta-style context exists for UE predicates.
The recipe (22) requires both V(x, A∧B) = true (substrate) and V(x, A) = false (conflicting attitude (ii)). But UE gives V(x, A∧B) → V(x, A), so these are contradictory.
This is WHY believe, know, and other UE predicates are never focus-sensitive: the recipe for demonstrating focus-sensitivity is structurally impossible for them.
Conjectured Universal T (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (62)) #
For any predicate V attested in natural languages, if V is focus-sensitive then ⌜x Vs S⌝ and ⌜x Vs S'⌝ have different truth conditions, for any S and S' that differ only in focus placement. In particular, if V is compatible with finite clauses, (59a) and (59b) have different truth conditions.
Consequence #
Universal T ensures the truth-based test (comparing truth values of two specific focus-shifted sentences) is sufficient to detect focus-sensitivity. Without T, a predicate like B' (§5) could be focus-sensitive only for particular clause pairs, evading the test.
Conjectured Universal I (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (68)) #
For any predicate V attested in natural languages, if V is focus-sensitive then ⌜x Vs A B_F⌝ does not entail ⌜x Vs A⌝, for any A and B. In particular, (63) is invalidated.
Consequence #
Universal I ensures the inference-based test (checking whether the focused sentence entails the defocused one) correctly detects focus-sensitivity. Without I, a predicate like B'' (§5) could be focus-sensitive yet pass the entailment test.
Conjectured Universal T (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (62)): Focus-sensitive predicates exhibit sensitivity uniformly across all clause pairs differing in focus.
If V is focus-sensitive at all, then for EVERY pair of distinct focus-alternative sets, there exist conditions under which V yields different truth values.
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Conjectured Universal I (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (68)): If V is focus-sensitive, then ⌜x Vs A B_F⌝ does not entail ⌜x Vs A⌝, for any A and B.
The inference pattern (63) involves BOTH a proposition weakening (A∧B → A) AND a change in focus alternatives (determined by the different focus structures). Universal I says this inference always fails for focus-sensitive predicates.
This is independently needed from Universal T: Predicate P (69)
satisfies T but violates I (see predicateP_violates_I).
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Pathological Predicates #
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} §7 constructs predicates B' and B'' that are focus-sensitive but evade the diagnostic test, showing it is not logically complete (only empirically sound given Universals T and I).
B' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (60)) #
B' is exactly like believe except it returns FALSE when the focus alternatives happen to match a specific "bad" set. B' is focus-sensitive (its truth depends on focus alternatives) but the truth-based test on the standard sentence pair (59a/b) can't detect it, because neither test sentence triggers the special condition.
B'' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (64)) #
B'' is like believe except it returns FALSE when the focus alternatives match a different specific set — one that IS triggered by the test sentences. This makes the premise of the inference test always false, so the entailment holds trivially, and the inference test yields a false negative.
Both are ruled out by Universals T and I respectively, under the assumption that such pathological predicates are not attested in natural languages.
Predicate B' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (60)): Identical to believe except returns FALSE for one specific set of focus alternatives.
Focus-sensitive (depends on focus alts) but undetectable by the truth-based test on (59a/b) because those sentences don't trigger the special condition. Ruled out by Universal T.
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B' is focus-sensitive: it gives different results for badAlts vs other alts.
B' violates Universal T: it is sensitive to only ONE pair of focus alternatives (the bad set vs anything else), not uniformly to all pairs.
Predicate B'' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (64)): Like believe but returns FALSE for a specific set of focus alternatives that IS triggered by the test sentences' focus structure.
The inference test fails because the premise (with the triggering focus) is always FALSE, making the entailment trivially true. Ruled out by Universal I.
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B'' makes the inference-test premise trivially false: when the test sentence has the triggering focus, B'' is always false, so the inference (false → anything) is trivially valid.
Predicate P: T and I Are Independent #
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (69) constructs Predicate P to show that Universals T and I are independently needed — neither subsumes the other.
Definition #
⌜x Ps φ⌝ is true iff: (a) x says φ, AND (b) x believes that one of the propositions in φ's focus alternatives is true.
Properties #
- P IS focus-sensitive: condition (b) depends on the focus alternatives.
- P satisfies Universal T: its focus-sensitivity is uniform — the definition makes no reference to particular sets of focus alternatives or particular positions of focus (unlike B' and B'').
- P VIOLATES Universal I: the inference (63) holds for P, because (70a) → (71a) by UE of say, and (70b) → (71b) as long as the embedded clause is a member of the focus alternatives (footnote 16).
Therefore, T cannot rule out P, but I can. This shows T and I are logically independent: both are needed for the two-step diagnostic to be empirically sound.
Predicate P (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (69)): ⌜x Ps φ⌝ = x says φ ∧ x believes some focus alternative of φ.
Focus-sensitive (condition (b) depends on focus alternatives), satisfies Universal T (uniform sensitivity), but violates Universal I (inference (63) holds). This shows T and I are independently needed.
believesSomeAlt abstracts condition (b): whether x believes at least one
proposition in the focus alternative set.
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- Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.predicateP say believesSomeAlt x p f w = (say x p w && believesSomeAlt x f w)
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P is focus-sensitive when believesSomeAlt distinguishes some focus sets.
P violates Universal I: the inference (63) CAN hold.
When say is UE (saying A∧B entails saying A) and belief in a focus alternative extends monotonically (believing some alt in fNarrow entails believing some alt in fBroad — e.g., because the embedded clause itself is in fBroad, per footnote 16), then the full entailment V(x, A∧B, fNarrow) → V(x, A, fBroad) goes through.
This contradicts Universal I, which requires this entailment to FAIL for all focus-sensitive predicates. Hence P is ruled out by I but not T.
Inference-Test Counterexamples for Non-UE Predicates #
B' and B'' (§5 above) are pathological predicates that evade the truth-based and inference-based tests respectively. D' and D'' are DIFFERENT counterexamples from §6.1 that show the inference-based test alone yields incorrect results for non-UE predicates.
D' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (38)): 1-inference FALSE POSITIVE #
D' resembles deny: ⌜x D's φ⌝ = x commits to ¬φ. D' is NOT focus-sensitive (truth depends on ¬φ, not on focus alternatives) but IS non-UE (strengthening φ weakens ¬φ). The 1-inference test detects non-entailment (D'(x, A∧B) ⊬ D'(x, A) since ¬(A∧B) ⊬ ¬A) and wrongly concludes focus-sensitivity.
D'' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (42)): 2-inference FALSE NEGATIVE #
D'' is like D' but additionally requires the speech act to respond to a QUD matching the focus alternatives. D'' IS focus-sensitive (QUD matching depends on focus alternatives) but both inferences yield the same result (non-entailment), so the 2-inference variant sees no asymmetry → wrongly concludes no evidence.
Both errors are caught by the truth-based follow-up step in the proposed two-step method.
Predicate D' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (38)):
⌜x D's φ⌝ = x commits to ¬φ.
NOT focus-sensitive. Defined as liftNonFS since D' ignores
focus alternatives entirely.
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- Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.predicateD' commits_to_neg = Semantics.FocusInterpretation.liftNonFS commits_to_neg
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D' is not focus-sensitive (ignores focus alternatives).
Predicate D'' (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} (42)): Like D' but additionally requires QUD-matching with focus alternatives. IS focus-sensitive: truth depends on whether focus alternatives match the QUD of the speech act.
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- Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.predicateD'' commits_to_neg qudMatches x p f w = (commits_to_neg x p w && qudMatches f)
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D'' is focus-sensitive when the QUD matcher distinguishes some focus sets.
The Proposed Test (@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} §3) #
Step 1: Inference-based elicitation of invalidating contexts #
Given predicate V and two sentences:
- Premise: ⌜x Vs that [A...B_F]⌝ (narrow focus on B)
- Conclusion: ⌜x Vs that [A...]⌝ (B dropped)
Ask: Does the premise entail the conclusion?
- If YES for all consultants → no evidence for focus-sensitivity
- If NO for at least one → elicit the invalidating context, proceed to Step 2
Step 2: Truth-based test #
In the invalidating context(s) from Step 1, compare:
- S₁: ⌜x Vs that [A...B_F]⌝
- S₂: ⌜x Vs that [A_F...B]⌝ (focus shifted)
If truth values differ → V is focus-sensitive for this consultant.
Key insight: why both steps are needed #
- Truth-based alone fails item generalizability: no general recipe for constructing contexts (@cite{villalta-2008}'s contexts require predicate-specific substrate/conflicting attitudes)
- Inference-based alone fails stability: non-UE predicates cause false positives/negatives (§6.1)
- Combined: inference step elicits contexts; truth step validates
Result of the two-step focus-sensitivity diagnostic.
- noEvidence : DiagnosticResult
- focusSensitive : DiagnosticResult
- inconclusive : DiagnosticResult
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The diagnostic applied to a predicate with known properties.
The inference test detects non-entailment (= non-UE complement position). The truth test then confirms focus-sensitivity in the invalidating context.
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Evaluation Criteria (@cite{tonhauser-matthewson-2016}) #
The paper evaluates methods against five desiderata:
| Desideratum | Proposed | Truth-only | Coherence | Inference-only |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Stability | ✓ | ✓ | ✗ (min.) | ✗ |
| Replicability | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ |
| Transparency | ~✓ | ✓ | ✗ | ✗ |
| Cross-ling. uniformity | ✓ | ✓ | ✗ | ✓ |
| Item generalizability | ✓ | ✗ | ✗ | ✓ |
The proposed two-step method is the only one satisfying all five.
Desiderata from @cite{tonhauser-matthewson-2016} for semantic data collection.
- stability : Desideratum
- replicability : Desideratum
- transparency : Desideratum
- crossLingUniformity : Desideratum
- itemGeneralizability : Desideratum
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Problems with Non-Upward-Entailing Predicates #
@cite{ozyildiz-etal-2025} §6.1 shows that the inference-based test can yield incorrect results for non-upward-entailing (non-UE) predicates.
The inference test checks: does ⌜x Vs that P on THURSDAYS⌝ entail ⌜x Vs that P⌝? For UE predicates (believe, know), dropping "on Thursdays" weakens the proposition, so entailment holds — correctly indicating non-focus-sensitivity.
For non-UE predicates:
- 1-inference false positive: A non-focus-sensitive non-UE predicate D' (like deny) can fail the entailment test (false → true flip) even though it's not focus-sensitive, because non-UE predicates don't preserve entailment under weakening.
- 2-inference false negative: A focus-sensitive non-UE predicate D'' can pass the entailment test (both inferences fail symmetrically) even though it IS focus-sensitive.
Both errors are caught by the truth-based follow-up step.
The complement position's monotonicity is relevant to the inference test.
This connects to Theories/Semantics/Entailment/Polarity.lean:
- UE predicates: dropping focus material preserves truth → entailment holds
- Non-UE predicates: dropping material may flip truth → false non-entailment
- upwardEntailing : ComplementMonotonicity
- nonUpwardEntailing : ComplementMonotonicity
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For UE predicates, the inference test is reliable: non-entailment genuinely indicates focus-sensitivity.
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- Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.inferenceTestReliable Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.ComplementMonotonicity.upwardEntailing = true
- Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.inferenceTestReliable Phenomena.Focus.Studies.OzyildizEtAl2025.ComplementMonotonicity.nonUpwardEntailing = false