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Linglib.Phenomena.Focus.AdditiveParticles.Studies.Thomas2026

Argument-building "too" from COCA (ex. 1a/14a). ANT = Ernie took Iree in on her own; π = it was a good thing she did. Both jointly support the conclusion that Ernie helped Iree a great deal.

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    Argument-building "too" from COCA (ex. 1b/14b). ANT = I know a couple people who have gotten tickets; π = the fine is a hefty one. Both jointly support the conclusion: you should worry about traffic enforcement.

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      Argument-building "too" from COCA (ex. 1c/14c/65). ANT = A room just opened up at this hotel; π = It looks kind of fancy. Both jointly support the conclusion: this hotel would be a good place to stay. Primary worked example in §5.3.

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        All argument-building examples from @cite{thomas-2026}.

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          Standard focus-alternative "too" (ex. 5a/10/21). ANT = "I like pizza", π = "I like spaghetti". Both are partial answers to "What do you like?"

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            Standard additive presupposition example (ex. 2). Q: Who did Avery invite? ANT = Avery invited Bailey. π = She invited Cameron.

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              Standard focus-alternative examples.

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                Infelicitous: π entails the resolution — violates non-triviality (ex. 11/29a/73). ANT = "Sam is happy", π = "He's ecstatic". Since "ecstatic" entails "happy", ⟦π⟧ ⊆ RQ|_{ANT∩⟦π⟧} = |Sam is ecstatic|, violating Def. 64c.i.

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                  Infelicitous: reversed argumentative orientation — no suitable RQ (ex. 15a/19a). In the context of (14a) where Ernie's actions are evaluated positively, replacing "good thing" with "bad thing" reverses the argumentative direction. No RQ satisfies both the Antecedent and Conjunction Conditions.

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                    Infelicitous: conjunction provides no additional evidence — fails Conjunction Condition (ex. 72B). ANT = "She invited Bailey and Cameron", π = "Dogs are mammals". π provides no information about who Avery invited.

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                      Infelicitous: weaker alternative works just as well — violates maximality (ex. 30/74). ANT = "Avery plays an instrument", π = "Bailey plays the cello". "Bailey plays an instrument" (weaker than π) gives the same evidential boost to the resolution.

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                        Infelicitous: cross-product question — no single RQ satisfies both conditions (ex. 13/40/75). Q: Who ate what? ANT = "Avery ate pizza", π = "Bailey ate spaghetti". Every resolution to "Who ate what?" specifies what BOTH Avery and Bailey ate, so ANT alone provides no information about Bailey's food.

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                          Infelicitous: reversed argumentative orientation in hotel context (ex. 66). ANT = "A room just opened up at this hotel", π = "It looks kind of dingy". The discourse goal is finding a GOOD hotel, but "dingy" argues AGAINST the hotel being good. No RQ relevant to the discourse goals has its felicity conditions satisfied.

                          Contrast with hotelRoom (ex. 65): same ANT but π = "fancy" supports the "good hotel" conclusion. @cite{thomas-2026} notes that replacing "fancy" with "dingy" makes "too" unacceptable because ANT ∩ ⟦π⟧ does not raise the probability of any resolution desirable to the interlocutors.

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                            Infelicitous examples from @cite{thomas-2026}.

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                              All examples.

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                                End-to-End Verification #

                                Concrete Fin 4 instantiations of the felicity conditions (Def. 64) from @cite{thomas-2026}. Five verified scenarios cover the three use types and all four felicity conditions:

                                4-world model for the hotel room scenario (@cite{thomas-2026}, ex. 65).

                                WorldRoom AvailableFancyGood Hotel
                                w₀
                                w₁
                                w₂
                                w₃

                                Prior: w₀ = 3/8, w₁ = 1/8, w₂ = 2/8, w₃ = 2/8 (room availability more likely).

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                                  Non-uniform prior: room availability (w₀, w₁) more likely.

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                                      Hotel room "too" is felicitous: all four conditions of Def. 64 hold.

                                      • Antecedent Condition: P(good | room) = 3/4 ≠ P(good) = 3/8
                                      • Conjunction Condition: P(good | room ∧ fancy) = 1 > P(good | room) = 3/4
                                      • Non-triviality: fancy includes w₂ which is not a good hotel
                                      • Maximality: every ANT ∧ good world is also a fancy world

                                      4-world model for the happy/ecstatic scenario.

                                      WorldEcstaticHappy (not ecstatic)Not Happy
                                      w₀
                                      w₁
                                      w₂
                                      w₃

                                      Prior: uniform 1/4.

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                                        "What is Sam's emotional state?" — three-way partition.

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                                              "Sam is happy. #He's ecstatic, too." is infelicitous. Def. 64c.i (non-triviality) fails: the strengthened resolution is {w₀} = "ecstatic", and ⟦π⟧ = "ecstatic" = {w₀} entails it, making the conjunction informationally redundant with respect to RQ.

                                              4-world model for the standard focus-alternative scenario.

                                              WorldLike PizzaLike SpaghettiPartition Cell
                                              w₀both
                                              w₁pizza only
                                              w₂spaghetti only
                                              w₃neither

                                              Prior: uniform 1/4. ANT = "I like pizza", π = "I like spaghetti". RQ = "What do you like?" as a mention-all question with 4-cell partition.

                                              The strengthened resolution under ANT ∧ π is "both" = {w₀}, which π (= {w₀,w₂}) does NOT entail. This is why standard use passes non-triviality: the partition cell "both" is strictly stronger than π.

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                                                "What do you like?" — mention-all partition.

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                                                      Standard "too" is felicitous: "I like pizza. I like spaghetti, too."

                                                      • Antecedent Condition: P("both" | pizza) = 1/2 > P("both") = 1/4
                                                      • Conjunction Condition: P("both" | pizza ∧ spaghetti) = 1 > P("both" | pizza) = 1/2
                                                      • Non-triviality: spaghetti = {w₀,w₂} ⊄ "both" = {w₀}
                                                      • Maximality: every pizza ∧ "both" world (= {w₀}) has spaghetti true

                                                      4-world model for the maximality failure scenario.

                                                      WorldAvery PlaysBailey Plays CelloBailey Plays (any)
                                                      w₀
                                                      w₁✓ (non-cello)
                                                      w₂
                                                      w₃

                                                      Prior: uniform 1/4. ANT = "Avery plays an instrument". π = "Bailey plays the cello". RQ = "Who plays an instrument?" (polar: does Bailey play?).

                                                      Maximality fails: "Bailey plays an instrument" (S ⊃ π) gives the same evidential boost as "Bailey plays the cello" (π), since both make P(Bailey plays | ANT ∧ ·) = 1. The specific instrument is irrelevant to RQ.

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                                                            "Avery plays an instrument. #Bailey plays the cello, too." is infelicitous. Def. 64c.ii (maximality) fails: w₁ is an ANT ∧ baileyPlays world but not a baileyPlaysCello world, so a weaker proposition (baileyPlays) gives the same evidential boost to RQ.

                                                            4-world model for the cross-product question scenario.

                                                            WorldAvery EatsBailey Eats
                                                            w₀pizzapizza
                                                            w₁pizzaspaghetti
                                                            w₂spaghettipizza
                                                            w₃spaghettispaghetti

                                                            Prior: uniform 1/4. ANT = "Avery ate pizza", π = "Bailey ate spaghetti".

                                                            @cite{thomas-2026} §5.5.1 (pp. 40-41) argues that for "Who ate what?", no single RQ simultaneously satisfies both the Antecedent and Conjunction Conditions. We verify this for RQ = "What did Avery eat?" ((76a)): ANT already determines the resolution (P(Avery pizza | ANT) = 1), so learning π = "Bailey ate spaghetti" adds nothing about Avery — the Conjunction Condition fails because no alternative is strengthened.

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                                                                RQ = "What did Avery eat?" (polar: did Avery eat pizza?).

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                                                                  "Avery ate pizza. #Bailey ate spaghetti, too." is infelicitous when RQ = "What did Avery eat?" Conjunction Condition fails: P(Avery pizza | ANT∩π) = 1 = P(Avery pizza | ANT), so π provides no additional evidence about what Avery ate.