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Linglib.Phenomena.FillerGap.Studies.Charlow2020

Charlow (2020): The Scope of Alternatives #

@cite{charlow-2020}

The scope of alternatives: indefiniteness and islands. Linguistics and Philosophy 43(4): 427–472.

Core claim #

Alternative-denoting expressions interact with their semantic context by taking scope, not by pointwise composition. The set monad (S, η, ⫝̸) — with η (singleton) and ⫝̸ (flatmap) — handles indefinites, wh-words, and focus in a unified framework that:

  1. Derives exceptional scope for indefinites out of scope islands via ASSOCIATIVITY of ⫝̸ (§4)
  2. Predicts selectivity when multiple indefinites occur on an island, via higher-order alternative sets S(S t) (§5)
  3. Derives the Binder Roof Constraint: an indefinite bound into by an operator cannot scope over that operator (§6.4)

Empirical data #

Formalization #

The theoretical core (the set monad) is formalized in Theories/Semantics/Composition/SetMonad.lean. This file instantiates it on concrete examples, verifying the paper's empirical predictions.

§1 Exceptional scope out of conditional islands #

@cite{charlow-2020} §2.1, eqs (1)–(2): indefinites (but not universals) can take scope out of the antecedent of a conditional.

(1) If [a rich relative of mine dies], I'll inherit a house. ✓ Reading: ∃x ∈ rel. if(dies x) → house

(2) If [every rich relative of mine dies], I'll inherit a house. ✗ No reading: *∀x ∈ rel. if(dies x) → house

The indefinite a rich relative of mine denotes a set of individuals (type S e). The monad's ⫝̸ turns the island into a set of alternative propositions, and ASSOCIATIVITY guarantees this equals direct wide scope.

The derivation follows @cite{charlow-2020} §4.1–4.2, eq. (33), Figures 6–7.

A model with three people, two of whom are my relatives.

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      "a rich relative of mine" — the set-valued (indefinite) meaning. The indefinite denotes the characteristic function of my relatives (type S e).

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        "x dies" — a predicate on individuals.

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          "I'll inherit a house" — simplified as a constant proposition.

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            Step 1 (island-internal): the indefinite takes scope at the island edge via ⫝̸, turning the island into a set of alternative antecedent propositions.

            @cite{charlow-2020} eq. (33), first ⫝̸: aRel ⫝̸ (λx. η(dies x)) = {dies r₁, dies r₂}.

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              Step 2 (island-external): the pied-piped island takes scope over the conditional via a second ⫝̸.

              @cite{charlow-2020} eq. (33), second ⫝̸: {dies x | rel x} ⫝̸ (λp. η(p → house)).

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                Direct wide scope: the indefinite scopes directly over the conditional, bypassing the island boundary.

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                  ASSOCIATIVITY derives exceptional scope (the key theorem).

                  The two-step derivation (scope at island edge via first ⫝̸, then scope over conditional via second ⫝̸) equals direct wide scope by ASSOCIATIVITY + LEFT IDENTITY:

                  (aRel ⫝̸ λx. η(dies x)) ⫝̸ (λp. η(p → house)) = aRel ⫝̸ (λx. η(dies x) ⫝̸ (λp. η(p → house))) — ASSOCIATIVITY = aRel ⫝̸ (λx. η(dies x → house)) — LEFT IDENTITY = wideScope

                  The exceptional scope reading is satisfiable: there exists a member of the result set (since r₁ is a relative).

                  §2 Intermediate exceptional scope #

                  @cite{charlow-2020} §2.1, eq. (3), §4.2 Figure 8: indefinites allow not just widest scope but also intermediate exceptional scope.

                  (3) Each student has to come up with three arguments showing that [some condition proposed by Chomsky is wrong]. ✓ ∀ ≫ ∃ ≫ 3: for each student, there is some condition ...

                  The indefinite some condition is embedded in a relative clause (a scope island). It escapes the relative clause via ASSOCIATIVITY — exactly the same mechanism as §1 — but stops at an intermediate position under the universal each student.

                  The difference from §1 is simply WHERE the indefinite stops. Each application of ASSOCIATIVITY crosses one island boundary. The indefinite can always "forego one or more of the secondary island scopings, come what may higher up in the tree" (@cite{charlow-2020} p. 442).

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                    Island-internal meaning: the relative clause with the indefinite. The first ⫝̸ at the island edge produces a set of propositions.

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                      Island-external: a second ⫝̸ carries the alternatives out into the matrix clause "showing that ...".

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                        ASSOCIATIVITY + LEFT IDENTITY let the indefinite escape the relative clause, producing a set of alternative propositions.

                        After escaping, the set {isWrong c | condition c} can be universally quantified per student (intermediate scope) without needing a further ⫝̸ over the universal — the indefinite simply stops here.

                        The escaped set has distinct alternatives (one per accessible condition), confirming the indefinite genuinely scopes out.

                        §3 Selectivity #

                        @cite{charlow-2020} §5: when multiple indefinites occur on an island, the grammar generates selective exceptional scope — each indefinite can independently take scope inside or outside the island.

                        (43) If [a persuasive lawyer visits a rich relative of mine], I'll inherit a house. ✓ ∃_lawyer ≫ if ≫ ∃_relative (specific lawyer, any relative) ✓ ∃_relative ≫ if ≫ ∃_lawyer (specific relative, any lawyer) ✓ ∃_lawyer ≫ ∃_relative ≫ if (both wide scope)

                        The mechanism (§5.2, Figure 10): applying η to a scope argument that is itself a function into sets produces higher-order alternative sets S(S t). The outer set tracks one indefinite, the inner set tracks the other. Because the layers are independent, the grammar can process them differently — scoping one above the conditional while existentially closing the other inside it.

                        This is what alternative semantics (pointwise {{·}}) CANNOT do: the pointwise interpretation function {{·}} maps everything to flat sets S t, conflating distinct sources of alternatives (§5.4).

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                          Higher-order island meaning: two applications of η produce S(S t) — a set of sets.

                          @cite{charlow-2020} §5.2, Figure 10 (left tree): the lawyer indefinite sits in the outer layer (via an extra η), the relative in the inner layer.

                          Each member of the outer set corresponds to one lawyer; each is itself a set of visit-propositions (one per relative).

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                            Flattening (monadic join μ): collapsing the two layers via ⫝̸ id recovers the flat island where both indefinites scope at the same level. This uses ASSOCIATIVITY + LEFT IDENTITY — the same mechanism as exceptional scope in §1.

                            This gives the both-wide-scope reading: both indefinites escape.

                            Both-wide-scope reading: both indefinites escape the island. The result is {visits l r → house | lawyer l ∧ relative r}.

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                              Lawyer-wide, relative-narrow: only the lawyer escapes. For each lawyer, the conditional quantifies over relatives inside.

                              This arises from the higher-order island: the outer layer (lawyers) scopes above the conditional, while the inner layer (relatives) is existentially closed inside it (@cite{charlow-2020} eq. 49).

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                                The two readings are genuinely different: bothWide has alternatives for each (lawyer, relative) pair, while lawyerWide has alternatives only for each lawyer.

                                §4 Binder Roof Constraint #

                                @cite{charlow-2020} §6.4: when an operator binds into an indefinite, the indefinite cannot scope over that operator.

                                (52) Every boyˣ who talked to a friend of hisₓ left. *∃ ≫ ∀ (53) No candidateˣ submitted a paper heₓ had written. *∃ ≫ no

                                The type-theoretic argument: because the η-and-⫝̸ approach is oriented around scope-taking, an indefinite whose restrictor contains a bound variable x is of type A → B → Prop — a function that DEPENDS on x.

                                `m x : B → Prop`    -- the indefinite's meaning, given a value for x
                                `setBind (m x) f`   -- well-typed: x is in scope
                                

                                For the indefinite to scope OVER x's binder, we would need:

                                `setBind m ...`      -- ILL-TYPED: m has type `A → B → Prop`,
                                                     -- not `B → Prop`
                                

                                There is no well-typed term that achieves this. The constraint is enforced by the type system, not by a stipulation.

                                This contrasts with choice-function approaches (@cite{reinhart-1997}), which leave indefinites in situ and therefore need additional stipulations to block the wide-scope reading (cf. eqs (67)–(69) in the paper).