Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Ellipsis.Studies.Landau2026

Landau 2026: Silent Resumption @cite{landau-2026} #

A New Test for Ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry, Early Access.

The EIR Test #

The Ellipsis-Internal Resumption (EIR) test: a novel diagnostic for distinguishing deep from surface anaphora (@cite{hankamer-sag-1976}).

The argumentation chain:

  1. BVQ (@cite{chomsky-1982}): at LF, every Ā-operator must bind some variable.
  2. A resumptive pronoun inside a null constituent serves as a variable.
  3. A resumptive pronoun can only exist inside a constituent with LF-visible internal structure.
  4. Therefore: an Ā-operator can bind into a null element iff it is a surface anaphor (= ellipsis).

The EIR test has a distinctive advantage over the extraction test. When extraction fails out of a null element, the result is ambiguous: the element could be a deep anaphor (no structure → BVQ violation), or a surface anaphor where derivational timing bleeds Ā-extraction. When EIR fails, only the deep-anaphor explanation survives, because resumptive dependencies are established at LF without intermediate movement steps that ellipsis could bleed.

Hebrew Results #

Three ellipsis types confirmed via EIR in domains where extraction is impossible (Hebrew DPs are absolute islands; P-stranding is barred):

Cross-Linguistic Mixed Anaphors #

EIR diagnoses contested "mixed anaphors" as deep:

Anaphoric depth: whether a null element has internal syntactic structure at LF. @cite{hankamer-sag-1976}

  • Deep: no LF-visible structure; content recovered pragmatically or deictically. EN, NCA, pro, do so, dat doen, det.
  • Surface: full structure, phonologically deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent. VP-ellipsis, ENP, AE, PPE.
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      Syntactic domain of the null element.

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          Step 2: A resumptive pronoun (= variable) can only be hosted inside a constituent with internal structure; there must be a syntactic position for it to occupy.

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            Step 3: BVQ — an Ā-operator binding into a site is well-formed iff the site provides a variable to bind.

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              The derivation chain collapses: EIR passes iff the null element has internal structure.

              What can be concluded from a diagnostic test result.

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                  The extraction test. Success is unambiguous (the operator binds a trace inside the overt structure → surface anaphor). Failure is ambiguous: it could mean the element is deep (no structure → BVQ), or that it is surface but derivational timing bleeds Ā-movement through the ellipsis site.

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                    The EIR test. Both outcomes are unambiguous. Resumptive dependencies are established purely at LF (binding, not movement), so there is no derivational step for ellipsis timing to bleed. EIR is also insensitive to island constraints, since resumption freely crosses islands.

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                      When extraction succeeds, it agrees with EIR: both conclude surface. This means EIR is a strict refinement — it agrees where extraction is informative, and resolves the cases where extraction is not.

                      A datum for the Ellipsis-Internal Resumption test.

                      • language : String
                      • nullElement : String
                      • domain : NullDomain
                      • depth : AnaphorDepth
                      • eirGrammatical : Bool

                        Does the null element pass the EIR test? (= can it host a resumptive pronoun bound by an Ā-operator?)

                      • extractionAvailable : Bool

                        Is extraction from this domain possible in the language? When false, the extraction test is inapplicable and EIR is the only viable syntactic diagnostic.

                      • abarContext : String
                      • source : String
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                          Empty noun (EN): deep anaphor. A bare n head; content recovered from a restricted deictic set (PERSON, THING, TIME, PLACE). No linguistic antecedent required. Fails EIR. NP-ellipsis in Hebrew is previously established; EIR provides additional confirmation.

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                            Elided noun phrase (ENP): surface anaphor. Full nP structure (root + arguments) deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent; licensed by [E] on Num. Passes EIR: the resumptive pronoun inside the elided nP provides a variable.

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                              Null complement anaphora (NCA) / pro: deep anaphor. No internal structure; content recovered pragmatically. Fails EIR. The existence of AE in Hebrew was debated; the EIR test provides a novel argument.

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                                Argument ellipsis (AE) / DP-ellipsis: surface anaphor. Full DP structure deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent. Passes EIR. Novel argument for AE in Hebrew.

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                                  Null PP via NCA: deep anaphor. PP argument omitted; content recovered pragmatically. Fails EIR.

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                                    PP-ellipsis (PPE): surface anaphor. Full PP structure deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent. Passes EIR. First robust evidence for PP-ellipsis; the paper argues this holds cross-linguistically, not only in Hebrew.

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                                      English VP-ellipsis: surface anaphor. Left-dislocated constituent binds a resumptive possessive inside the elided VP. Passes EIR. Contrastive baseline for do so.

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                                        English do so: deep VP anaphor. Left-dislocation with resumptive binding into do so is ungrammatical. Ā-extraction is also impossible, but that is ambiguous between deep anaphor and derivational bleeding. EIR resolves the ambiguity: do so is deep. @cite{bruening-2019}

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                                          Dutch dat doen 'do that': deep VP anaphor. Blocks most Ā-extractions. Fails EIR.

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                                            Danish det 'it': deep VP anaphor. Allows A-dependencies but not Ā-dependencies. Fails EIR.

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                                              Korean null objects: deep anaphor (pro). Left-dislocation mandates a resumptive in Korean, but null objects fail to host one — supporting the pro analysis over AE.

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                                                    All data are consistent: every datum's observed EIR result matches the prediction from its depth classification.

                                                    Extraction is unavailable for all Hebrew domains tested. This is precisely why the EIR test is needed: it provides syntactic evidence where the extraction test cannot.

                                                    All four cross-linguistic mixed anaphors are diagnosed as deep.

                                                    Hebrew has a productive resumptive strategy in relativization — the prerequisite for applying the EIR test. The same resumptive pronoun type that Core.NPRelType.resumptive models for relative clauses is what the EIR test probes for inside ellipsis sites.

                                                    The resumptive strategy in Hebrew relativization covers the genitive position on the Accessibility Hierarchy, which is where possessive resumptive pronouns (the most common type in the EIR data) sit.

                                                    The gap strategy does NOT cover genitive — this is why possessive dependencies in Hebrew require resumption, making the EIR test applicable.