Landau 2026: Silent Resumption @cite{landau-2026} #
A New Test for Ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry, Early Access.
The EIR Test #
The Ellipsis-Internal Resumption (EIR) test: a novel diagnostic for distinguishing deep from surface anaphora (@cite{hankamer-sag-1976}).
The argumentation chain:
- BVQ (@cite{chomsky-1982}): at LF, every Ā-operator must bind some variable.
- A resumptive pronoun inside a null constituent serves as a variable.
- A resumptive pronoun can only exist inside a constituent with LF-visible internal structure.
- Therefore: an Ā-operator can bind into a null element iff it is a surface anaphor (= ellipsis).
The EIR test has a distinctive advantage over the extraction test. When extraction fails out of a null element, the result is ambiguous: the element could be a deep anaphor (no structure → BVQ violation), or a surface anaphor where derivational timing bleeds Ā-extraction. When EIR fails, only the deep-anaphor explanation survives, because resumptive dependencies are established at LF without intermediate movement steps that ellipsis could bleed.
Hebrew Results #
Three ellipsis types confirmed via EIR in domains where extraction is impossible (Hebrew DPs are absolute islands; P-stranding is barred):
- nP-ellipsis: previously established; EIR provides additional confirmation via EN/ENP contrast
- DP-ellipsis: debated; EIR provides novel argument for AE
- PP-ellipsis: novel; EIR provides first robust evidence for PPE
Cross-Linguistic Mixed Anaphors #
EIR diagnoses contested "mixed anaphors" as deep:
- English do so — fails EIR (cf. VP-ellipsis, which passes)
- Dutch dat doen — fails EIR
- Danish det — fails EIR
- Korean null objects — fail EIR (supporting pro over AE)
Anaphoric depth: whether a null element has internal syntactic structure at LF. @cite{hankamer-sag-1976}
- Deep: no LF-visible structure; content recovered pragmatically or deictically. EN, NCA, pro, do so, dat doen, det.
- Surface: full structure, phonologically deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent. VP-ellipsis, ENP, AE, PPE.
- deep : AnaphorDepth
- surface : AnaphorDepth
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Syntactic domain of the null element.
- nP : NullDomain
- DP : NullDomain
- PP : NullDomain
- VP : NullDomain
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Step 1: A null element has LF-visible internal structure iff it is a surface anaphor.
Equations
Instances For
Step 2: A resumptive pronoun (= variable) can only be hosted inside a constituent with internal structure; there must be a syntactic position for it to occupy.
Instances For
Step 3: BVQ — an Ā-operator binding into a site is well-formed iff the site provides a variable to bind.
Equations
- Phenomena.Ellipsis.Studies.Landau2026.bvqSatisfied siteHasVariable = siteHasVariable
Instances For
EIR prediction, derived from the chain: structure → can host resumptive → BVQ satisfied → grammatical.
Equations
Instances For
The derivation chain collapses: EIR passes iff the null element has internal structure.
What can be concluded from a diagnostic test result.
- definitelySurface : Conclusion
- definitelyDeep : Conclusion
- inconclusive : Conclusion
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The extraction test. Success is unambiguous (the operator binds a trace inside the overt structure → surface anaphor). Failure is ambiguous: it could mean the element is deep (no structure → BVQ), or that it is surface but derivational timing bleeds Ā-movement through the ellipsis site.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The EIR test. Both outcomes are unambiguous. Resumptive dependencies are established purely at LF (binding, not movement), so there is no derivational step for ellipsis timing to bleed. EIR is also insensitive to island constraints, since resumption freely crosses islands.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
EIR is never inconclusive.
Extraction failure is inherently inconclusive.
When extraction succeeds, it agrees with EIR: both conclude surface. This means EIR is a strict refinement — it agrees where extraction is informative, and resolves the cases where extraction is not.
A datum for the Ellipsis-Internal Resumption test.
- language : String
- nullElement : String
- domain : NullDomain
- depth : AnaphorDepth
- eirGrammatical : Bool
Does the null element pass the EIR test? (= can it host a resumptive pronoun bound by an Ā-operator?)
- extractionAvailable : Bool
Is extraction from this domain possible in the language? When
false, the extraction test is inapplicable and EIR is the only viable syntactic diagnostic. - abarContext : String
- source : String
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Empty noun (EN): deep anaphor. A bare n head; content recovered from a restricted deictic set (PERSON, THING, TIME, PLACE). No linguistic antecedent required. Fails EIR. NP-ellipsis in Hebrew is previously established; EIR provides additional confirmation.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Elided noun phrase (ENP): surface anaphor. Full nP structure (root + arguments) deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent; licensed by [E] on Num. Passes EIR: the resumptive pronoun inside the elided nP provides a variable.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Null complement anaphora (NCA) / pro: deep anaphor. No internal structure; content recovered pragmatically. Fails EIR. The existence of AE in Hebrew was debated; the EIR test provides a novel argument.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Argument ellipsis (AE) / DP-ellipsis: surface anaphor. Full DP structure deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent. Passes EIR. Novel argument for AE in Hebrew.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Null PP via NCA: deep anaphor. PP argument omitted; content recovered pragmatically. Fails EIR.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
PP-ellipsis (PPE): surface anaphor. Full PP structure deleted under identity with a linguistic antecedent. Passes EIR. First robust evidence for PP-ellipsis; the paper argues this holds cross-linguistically, not only in Hebrew.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
English VP-ellipsis: surface anaphor. Left-dislocated constituent binds a resumptive possessive inside the elided VP. Passes EIR. Contrastive baseline for do so.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
English do so: deep VP anaphor. Left-dislocation with resumptive binding into do so is ungrammatical. Ā-extraction is also impossible, but that is ambiguous between deep anaphor and derivational bleeding. EIR resolves the ambiguity: do so is deep. @cite{bruening-2019}
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Dutch dat doen 'do that': deep VP anaphor. Blocks most Ā-extractions. Fails EIR.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Danish det 'it': deep VP anaphor. Allows A-dependencies but not Ā-dependencies. Fails EIR.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Korean null objects: deep anaphor (pro). Left-dislocation mandates a resumptive in Korean, but null objects fail to host one — supporting the pro analysis over AE.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
All data are consistent: every datum's observed EIR result matches the prediction from its depth classification.
Hebrew has both deep and surface strategies in all three nominal domains (nP, DP, PP).
All four cross-linguistic mixed anaphors are diagnosed as deep.
Hebrew has a productive resumptive strategy in relativization
— the prerequisite for applying the EIR test. The same
resumptive pronoun type that Core.NPRelType.resumptive models
for relative clauses is what the EIR test probes for inside
ellipsis sites.
The resumptive strategy in Hebrew relativization covers the genitive position on the Accessibility Hierarchy, which is where possessive resumptive pronouns (the most common type in the EIR data) sit.
The gap strategy does NOT cover genitive — this is why possessive dependencies in Hebrew require resumption, making the EIR test applicable.