Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Ellipsis.Studies.GinzburgCooper2004

Ginzburg & Cooper (2004): Clarification, Ellipsis, and Contextual Updates #

@cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004}

Formalization of the core running example from @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004}:

A: "Did Bo leave?" B: "Bo?"

This study applies the KOS framework (DGB, IS, C-PARAMS, coercion operations) to derive both CE readings — clausal and constituent — from the same antecedent sign, and demonstrates the speaker/addressee IS asymmetry.

Key Claims Formalized #

  1. Proper names introduce C-PARAMS (referent binding) — ex. 28
  2. The running example has 5 C-PARAMS — ex. 32
  3. Parameter focussing yields clausal CE reading — ex. 53/54
  4. Parameter identification yields constituent CE reading — ex. 59/60
  5. Both coercions take the antecedent sign and target the same SAL-UTT
  6. Existential generalization removes a parameter without clarification — ex. 77/78
  7. Speaker resolves all params; addressee may not — ex. 82
  8. Partial assignment triggers PENDING, not grounding
  9. Updates require structured representations (Hybrid Content Hypothesis) — ex. 2/16

C-PARAM for "Bo": binds variable b to the referent named "Bo". @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 28.

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    C-PARAM for temporal precedence.

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      The full C-PARAMS set for "Did Bo leave?" — 5 parameters. @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 32.

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        Full utterance skeleton for "Did Bo leave?" with all 5 C-PARAMS. @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 32.

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          Speaker (A) resolves all parameters: she knows who Bo is, who she is, who the addressee is, and the temporal parameters. @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 82b.

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            Addressee (B) resolves all parameters EXCEPT b (Bo's referent). B doesn't know who "Bo" refers to. @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 82c.

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              A's IS after uttering "Did Bo leave?": fully grounded. Speaker resolves all C-PARAMS, so the utterance goes straight to FACTS.

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                B's IS after hearing "Did Bo leave?": partial assignment → pending. Addressee cannot resolve b, so the utterance goes to PENDING.

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                  Parameter focussing on "Bo" (parameter b): clausal CE reading. @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 53–54. Output: SAL-UTT = "Bo" constituent, MAX-QUD = ?b.ask(i,j,?.leave-rel(b,t)) Paraphrase: "Are you asking if b left?"

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                    Parameter identification on "Bo" (parameter b): constituent CE reading. @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 59–60. Output: SAL-UTT = "Bo" constituent, MAX-QUD = ?c.spkr-meaning-rel(addr,Bo,c) Paraphrase: "Who do you mean by Bo?"

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                      Existential generalization on "Bo" (parameter b). @cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 77–78. Removes b from C-PARAMS, weakens content to ∃b.ask(i,j,?.leave-rel(b,t)).

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                        B applies parameter focussing to set up clarification context.

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                          B applies parameter identification to set up clarification context.

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                            The running example has 4 constituents (Did, Bo, leave, Did Bo leave).

                            Speaker's utterance is grounded (added to FACTS).

                            Addressee's utterance is NOT grounded (no new facts).

                            Existential generalization removes exactly one parameter.

                            Existential generalization wraps content with ∃.

                            Focussing MAX-QUD is a question about the antecedent content.

                            Identification MAX-QUD is a speaker-meaning question.

                            Hybrid Content Hypothesis (@cite{ginzburg-cooper-2004} ex. 2/16): The content updated in dynamic semantics consists of structure expressing detailed relationships between the content and formal properties (syntax, phonology etc) of the various parts of an utterance.

                            Evidence: The same propositional content ("Bo left") yields different clarification potentials depending on phonological/syntactic structure. The utterance skeleton encodes this structure via CONSTITS and C-PARAMS.