Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Constructions.Studies.FillmoreKayOConnor1988

@cite{fillmore-kay-oconnor-1988}: Let Alone — Empirical Data #

@cite{fillmore-kay-oconnor-1988}

Theory-neutral grammaticality judgments and contrasts from "Regularity and Idiomaticity in Grammatical Constructions: The Case of Let Alone" (Language 64(3):501–538).

Phenomena covered #

  1. NPI licensing: which environments license let alone (§2.2.4)
  2. Topicalization asymmetry: let alone B cannot topicalize (§2.2.1)
  3. VP ellipsis impossibility: unlike and, let alone blocks VP ellipsis (§2.2.1)
  4. Scalar anomaly: swapping foci on the scale yields anomaly (§2.3.2)
  5. NPI trigger contrasts: barely licenses, almost/only do not (§2.2.4)
  6. Wh-extraction asymmetry: easier from let alone than from and (§2.2.1)

A single attested or judged example.

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      1. Basic let alone examples (§2.1, exx.15–19) #

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          2. NPI trigger contrasts (§2.2.4, exx.62–70, 113–115) #

          barely licenses let alone; almost and non-subject only do not.

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                      NPI licensing contrasts: barely licenses, almost and only do not.

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                        3. Topicalization asymmetry (§2.2.1, exx.31a–d) #

                        let alone B cannot be topicalized, unlike coordinate and phrases. This shows let alone is not a standard coordinating conjunction.

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                                Topicalization asymmetry: and allows full topicalization, let alone only allows extraposed second conjunct.

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                                  4. VP ellipsis impossibility (§2.2.1, exx.39–41) #

                                  let alone does not permit VP ellipsis, unlike and and comparatives.

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                                        VP ellipsis contrast: and/but allow it, let alone does not.

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                                          5. Wh-extraction asymmetry (§2.2.1, exx.32a–b) #

                                          Wh-extraction from a let alone phrase is sometimes easier than from a corresponding and-coordination.

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                                              6. Scalar anomaly (§2.3.2, exx.104, 121–122) #

                                              Swapping the scalar order of foci yields pragmatic anomaly. The A focus (stronger clause) must be scalar-stronger than B.

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                                                      Scalar anomaly contrasts: well-formed scalar ordering vs. swapped foci.

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                                                        7. IT-cleft asymmetry (§2.2.1, exx.33–34) #

                                                        IT-clefting is possible with a full and-coordination but not with let alone.

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                                                            8. Lowest-point anomaly (§2.3.2, exx.106–107) #

                                                            When the B focus names the LOWEST point on the scale, the sentence is anomalous. "He wasn't even a commissioned officer, let alone a colonel" is fine (colonel is higher than commissioned officer). But "#He wasn't even a commissioned officer, let alone a second lieutenant" is anomalous because second lieutenant IS the lowest commissioned rank: negating attainment of a non-lowest point does not a fortiori imply negating attainment of the lowest point — it IS the lowest.

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                                                                9. Positive polarity examples (§2.2.4, exx.71–72) #

                                                                Rare but attested: let alone in non-negative contexts. These challenge a purely syntactic NPI account.

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                                                                    Positive polarity let alone examples challenge pure NPI analysis.

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                                                                      All data #

                                                                      All judgment data from the paper.

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                                                                        All grammatical examples.

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                                                                          All ungrammatical examples.

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                                                                            Bridge content (merged from CxG_FillmoreKayOConnor1988Bridge.lean) #

                                                                            Bridge: FKO1988 CxG Theory → Polarity & Constructions Phenomena #

                                                                            @cite{fillmore-kay-oconnor-1988}

                                                                            Connects the Construction Grammar analysis of let alone to:

                                                                            1. NPI licensing contexts in Phenomena.Polarity.NPIs — maps each FKO NPI trigger type to a known licensing context
                                                                            2. Empirical judgments in Phenomena.Constructions.Studies.FillmoreKayOConnor1988 — verifies that barely licenses let alone while almost does not

                                                                            Bridge 1: NPI triggers → Polarity.NPIs.LicensingContext #

                                                                            FKO1988's NPI trigger inventory (§2.2.4) maps onto the licensing contexts already catalogued in Phenomena.Polarity.NPIs. This bridge makes that mapping explicit: each FKO trigger type corresponds to a known NPI licensing context.

                                                                            Map FKO1988 let alone NPI triggers to Polarity.NPIs licensing contexts.

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                                                                              Bridge 2: FKO Phenomena data ↔ NPI theory #

                                                                              The phenomena file records that barely licenses let alone (ex.115) while almost does not (ex.113). This matches the Polarity.NPIs classification: barely is a syntactic negative polarity trigger, almost is not.