@cite{fillmore-kay-oconnor-1988}: Let Alone — Empirical Data #
@cite{fillmore-kay-oconnor-1988}
Theory-neutral grammaticality judgments and contrasts from "Regularity and Idiomaticity in Grammatical Constructions: The Case of Let Alone" (Language 64(3):501–538).
Phenomena covered #
- NPI licensing: which environments license let alone (§2.2.4)
- Topicalization asymmetry: let alone B cannot topicalize (§2.2.1)
- VP ellipsis impossibility: unlike and, let alone blocks VP ellipsis (§2.2.1)
- Scalar anomaly: swapping foci on the scale yields anomaly (§2.3.2)
- NPI trigger contrasts: barely licenses, almost/only do not (§2.2.4)
- Wh-extraction asymmetry: easier from let alone than from and (§2.2.1)
A single attested or judged example.
- exNumber : String
Example number in the paper
- sentence : String
The sentence
- judgment : Core.Empirical.Acceptability
Acceptability judgment
- phenomenon : String
What phenomenon this illustrates
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- Phenomena.Constructions.Studies.FillmoreKayOConnor1988.instBEqExampleDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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1. Basic let alone examples (§2.1, exx.15–19) #
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2. NPI trigger contrasts (§2.2.4, exx.62–70, 113–115) #
barely licenses let alone; almost and non-subject only do not.
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NPI licensing contrasts: barely licenses, almost and only do not.
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3. Topicalization asymmetry (§2.2.1, exx.31a–d) #
let alone B cannot be topicalized, unlike coordinate and phrases. This shows let alone is not a standard coordinating conjunction.
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Topicalization asymmetry: and allows full topicalization, let alone only allows extraposed second conjunct.
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4. VP ellipsis impossibility (§2.2.1, exx.39–41) #
let alone does not permit VP ellipsis, unlike and and comparatives.
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VP ellipsis contrast: and/but allow it, let alone does not.
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5. Wh-extraction asymmetry (§2.2.1, exx.32a–b) #
Wh-extraction from a let alone phrase is sometimes easier than from a corresponding and-coordination.
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6. Scalar anomaly (§2.3.2, exx.104, 121–122) #
Swapping the scalar order of foci yields pragmatic anomaly. The A focus (stronger clause) must be scalar-stronger than B.
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Scalar anomaly contrasts: well-formed scalar ordering vs. swapped foci.
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7. IT-cleft asymmetry (§2.2.1, exx.33–34) #
IT-clefting is possible with a full and-coordination but not with let alone.
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8. Lowest-point anomaly (§2.3.2, exx.106–107) #
When the B focus names the LOWEST point on the scale, the sentence is anomalous. "He wasn't even a commissioned officer, let alone a colonel" is fine (colonel is higher than commissioned officer). But "#He wasn't even a commissioned officer, let alone a second lieutenant" is anomalous because second lieutenant IS the lowest commissioned rank: negating attainment of a non-lowest point does not a fortiori imply negating attainment of the lowest point — it IS the lowest.
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9. Positive polarity examples (§2.2.4, exx.71–72) #
Rare but attested: let alone in non-negative contexts. These challenge a purely syntactic NPI account.
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Positive polarity let alone examples challenge pure NPI analysis.
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All data #
All judgment data from the paper.
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All grammatical examples.
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All ungrammatical examples.
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Verification: we have examples of all judgment types.
Bridge content (merged from CxG_FillmoreKayOConnor1988Bridge.lean) #
Bridge: FKO1988 CxG Theory → Polarity & Constructions Phenomena #
@cite{fillmore-kay-oconnor-1988}
Connects the Construction Grammar analysis of let alone to:
- NPI licensing contexts in
Phenomena.Polarity.NPIs— maps each FKO NPI trigger type to a known licensing context - Empirical judgments in
Phenomena.Constructions.Studies.FillmoreKayOConnor1988— verifies that barely licenses let alone while almost does not
Bridge 1: NPI triggers → Polarity.NPIs.LicensingContext #
FKO1988's NPI trigger inventory (§2.2.4) maps onto the licensing contexts
already catalogued in Phenomena.Polarity.NPIs. This bridge makes that
mapping explicit: each FKO trigger type corresponds to a known NPI
licensing context.
Map FKO1988 let alone NPI triggers to Polarity.NPIs licensing contexts.
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Bridge 2: FKO Phenomena data ↔ NPI theory #
The phenomena file records that barely licenses let alone (ex.115) while almost does not (ex.113). This matches the Polarity.NPIs classification: barely is a syntactic negative polarity trigger, almost is not.
barely licenses let alone in the phenomena data.
almost does NOT license let alone in the phenomena data.