Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Conditionals.LeftNested.Data

Left-Nested Conditionals: Empirical Data #

@cite{gibbard-1981} @cite{haegeman-2003} @cite{iatridou-1991} @cite{lassiter-2025}

Theory-neutral empirical observations about left-nested conditionals (LNCs) from @cite{cao-white-lassiter-2025} "Sorting out left-nested conditionals."

Overview #

LNCs have the form "If (B if A), C" - a conditional whose antecedent is itself a conditional.

This file documents:

  1. Gibbard's classic example and discourse effects
  2. Cross-linguistic markers (Japanese, German)
  3. NPI/PPI licensing patterns
  4. Coordination constraints
  5. Only + inversion patterns
  6. Modal/generic exceptions

Left-nested conditional empirical datum.

Captures a single LNC example with its properties and judgments.

  • sentence : String

    The full sentence

  • innerConditional : String

    The inner conditional ("B if A")

  • outerConsequent : String

    The outer consequent ("C")

  • content : String

    Content type: "bare", "modal", "generic", "quantAdv"

  • discourseContext : Option String

    Optional discourse context that improves acceptability

  • acceptability : String

    Acceptability judgment: "ok", "odd", "marginal"

  • interpretation : String

    Preferred interpretation: "PC", "HC", "ambiguous"

  • notes : String

    Additional notes

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      Gibbard's Example @cite{gibbard-1981} #

      The classic example of a left-nested conditional, discussed extensively in the philosophical literature on conditionals.

      Gibbard's classic LNC (out of the blue)

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        Gibbard's example with discourse context

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          Discourse Effects #

          LNCs improve dramatically when the inner conditional is established in prior discourse.

          Example 11: Decontextualized LNC

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            Example 12: Contextualized LNC

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              Example 13: Another LNC

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                Example 14: LNC with given-that paraphrase

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                  Japanese Conditional Markers #

                  Japanese distinguishes:

                  LNCs with nara are acceptable; with -ra they are not.

                  Example 15: Japanese nara in LNC

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                    Example 16: Japanese -ra in LNC

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                      Example 17: Japanese nara echoing discourse

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                        German Conditional Markers #

                        German distinguishes:

                        LNCs with wenn are acceptable; with falls they are marginal/bad.

                        Example 20: German wenn in LNC

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                          Example 21: German falls in LNC

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                            Example 22: German falls with modal

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                              Polarity Patterns #

                              The PC analysis predicts specific polarity patterns in LNCs:

                              Example 29: PPI in embedded consequent (ok)

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                                Example 30: NPI in embedded consequent (bad)

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                                  Example 31: Another PPI case

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                                    Example 32: Another NPI case

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                                      Coordination Constraints #

                                      @cite{haegeman-2003}: Premise conditionals resist coordination with other conditional clauses. This extends to LNCs.

                                      Example 33: Coordinated HCs (ok)

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                                        Example 34: Coordinated with LNC (bad)

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                                          Example 35: Coordination diagnostic

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                                            Only + Inversion #

                                            Another diagnostic from @cite{haegeman-2003}: PCs block only + subject-aux inversion, while HCs allow it.

                                            Example 36: Only-inversion with HC (ok)

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                                              Example 37: Only-inversion with LNC (bad)

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                                                Example 38: Without inversion (ok)

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                                                  LNCs with modals, quantificational adverbs, or generic interpretations CAN be interpreted as HCs, allowing broader distribution.

                                                  Example 40: Modal in inner conditional

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                                                    Example 41: Quantificational adverb

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                                                      Example 42: Generic reading

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                                                        Example 43: Habitual reading

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                                                          All discourse contextualization examples

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                                                            All Japanese examples

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                                                              All German examples

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                                                                All polarity examples

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                                                                  All coordination examples

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                                                                    All only-inversion examples

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                                                                      All modal/generic exception examples

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                                                                        All LNC data

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                                                                          Core Empirical Generalizations #

                                                                          1. Discourse Anchoring #

                                                                          Bare LNCs improve dramatically when the inner conditional is established in prior discourse.

                                                                          2. Cross-Linguistic Markers #

                                                                          Languages with distinct HC/PC markers show that LNCs pattern with PCs:

                                                                          3. Polarity Patterns #

                                                                          4. Coordination Constraints #

                                                                          LNCs resist coordination with other conditional clauses, like other PCs.

                                                                          5. Only + Inversion #

                                                                          LNCs block only + subject-aux inversion, like other PCs.

                                                                          6. Modal/Generic Exception #

                                                                          LNCs with modals, quantificational adverbs, or generic interpretation CAN be HCs, because these provide "object-level" content that can be genuinely supposed without prior discourse.