Comparative Construction Typology (WALS Chapter 121) #
@cite{beck-2009} @cite{haspelmath-2001} @cite{kennedy-2007} @cite{stassen-1985} @cite{stassen-2013}
Cross-linguistic data on how languages express comparison of inequality ("X is taller than Y"), based on @cite{stassen-2013} in WALS Online. Stassen identifies five major construction types attested across a sample of 167 languages, classified by how the standard of comparison (the entity being compared to) is encoded.
The WALS 2013 typology simplifies @cite{stassen-1985}'s original six-type
classification. Stassen 1985 (based on 110 languages) distinguishes three
subtypes within "locational": separative (standard marked 'from'/ablative),
allative (standard marked 'to'/goal), and locative (standard marked
'at'/contact). This finer distinction is crucial to the book's explanatory
hypothesis connecting comparative types to temporal chaining constructions
(formalized in Studies/Stassen1985.lean). The WALS 2013 typology also adds
the "mixed" category not present in the 1985 system.
The typology intersects with two further dimensions:
- Degree word typology: whether a language has an overt degree word like English "more" or achieves comparison morphologically or without any degree marker.
- Superlative strategies: how superlatives are formed (elative, definite article + comparative, special morphology, "exceed all" constructions, etc.).
Key typological generalizations #
- Locational comparatives are the most common type worldwide.
- Particle comparatives concentrate in Europe (a Standard Average European feature; @cite{haspelmath-2001}).
- Exceed comparatives concentrate in West Africa and mainland Southeast Asia.
- Conjoined comparatives are the least common type, concentrated in Papuan and Australian languages.
- SOV languages strongly favor locational comparatives; SVO languages split between exceed and particle types.
WALS Ch 121: How a language expresses comparison of inequality.
Stassen's classification is based on how the standard of comparison (the Y in "X is more Adj than Y") is encoded. The five types are cross-cutting: a single language may use more than one productively (classified as "mixed").
- locational : ComparativeType
Locational: the standard is marked with a locational/ablative case or adposition, as if saying "X is tall from/at Y". Example: Japanese
Taroo wa Hanako yori se ga takai'Taro TOP Hanako than/from tall'. Also Turkish (ablative), Hindi-Urdu (postpositionse), Latin (ablative case). - exceed : ComparativeType
Exceed: a verb meaning 'exceed' or 'surpass' is used to encode comparison, as if saying "X exceeds/surpasses Y in tallness". Example: Yoruba
Ade ga ju Bola lo'Ade tall exceed Bola go'. Common in Niger-Congo and mainland Southeast Asian languages. - conjoined : ComparativeType
Conjoined: two juxtaposed or coordinated clauses, one attributing the property to X and the other denying it of Y (or attributing its antonym), as if saying "X is tall, Y is short". Example: Amele (Papuan)
uqa busak-i, ija cos-ig-a'he big-PRED, I small-1SG-PRED'. The rarest type. - particle : ComparativeType
Particle: a dedicated comparative particle or morpheme marks the standard, as in English "X is taller than Y". The particle is not a case marker or adposition with independent spatial meaning. Concentrated in Standard Average European.
- mixed : ComparativeType
Mixed: the language uses more than one of the above types productively, without a clear dominant strategy.
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The six comparative construction types of @cite{stassen-1985} Ch 2.
These are finer than the WALS 2013 types (ComparativeType): the three
adverbial subtypes (separative, allative, locative) are collapsed into
a single "locational" category in WALS. The six types form a hierarchy
based on case assignment and syntactic encoding:
Comparative
/ \
Derived case Fixed case
/ \ / \
Conjoined Particle Exceed Adverbial
/ | \
Sep All Loc
- separative : ComparativeType1985
- allative : ComparativeType1985
- locative : ComparativeType1985
- exceed : ComparativeType1985
- conjoined : ComparativeType1985
- particle : ComparativeType1985
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Map @cite{stassen-1985} types to the coarser WALS 2013 types.
The key coarsening: separative, allative, and locative all become "locational". This loses the spatial-relation distinction that drives Stassen's explanatory universals connecting comparison to temporal chaining.
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- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.separative.toWALS = Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType.locational
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.allative.toWALS = Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType.locational
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.locative.toWALS = Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType.locational
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.exceed.toWALS = Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType.exceed
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.conjoined.toWALS = Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType.conjoined
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.particle.toWALS = Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType.particle
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Case assignment for each 1985 type.
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Fixed-case encoding (only meaningful for fixed-case types).
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- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.exceed.fixedEncoding = some Core.FixedCaseEncoding.directObject
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.separative.fixedEncoding = some Core.FixedCaseEncoding.adverbial
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.allative.fixedEncoding = some Core.FixedCaseEncoding.adverbial
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.locative.fixedEncoding = some Core.FixedCaseEncoding.adverbial
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.conjoined.fixedEncoding = none
- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeType1985.particle.fixedEncoding = none
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Spatial case of the standard marker (only meaningful for adverbial types).
Maps to the Core.Case values that correspond to Stassen's spatial
triad: ablative (separative), allative, locative.
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Whether a language has an overt degree word in comparatives.
@cite{beck-2009} classify languages into three types based on the presence and nature of degree morphology in comparison constructions:
- Languages with a dedicated degree word (English "more", German "mehr")
- Languages with comparative morphology but no free degree word (English "-er" suffix, but also Turkish, Japanese)
- Languages with no degree marking at all (the comparative meaning is derived from context, word order, or the exceed-verb semantics).
- hasDegreeWord : DegreeWordType
Has a free degree word (e.g., English "more", French "plus", Mandarin "geng").
- morphological : DegreeWordType
Has comparative morphology (affixal) but no free degree word (e.g., English "-er" for short adjectives, Turkish "-rak").
- noDegreeMarking : DegreeWordType
No overt degree marking; comparison expressed via exceed verb, juxtaposition, or pragmatic inference.
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- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.instBEqDegreeWordType.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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How a language forms superlatives ("X is the tallest").
Superlative strategies are partially independent of comparative type. Some languages lack a dedicated superlative entirely, using comparatives with a universal standard ("taller than all") or "most" constructions.
- morphological : SuperlativeStrategy
Superlative morphology: dedicated affix or stem change (e.g., English "-est", Latin "-issimus").
- definiteComparative : SuperlativeStrategy
Definite article + comparative: "the more Adj" = superlative (e.g., Romance languages: French "le plus grand").
- elative : SuperlativeStrategy
Elative: special "very/extremely" form without comparison class (e.g., Arabic elative pattern
ʔafʕal). - exceedAll : SuperlativeStrategy
Exceed-all: exceed verb + universal quantifier (e.g., "X exceeds all in height").
- comparativeUniversal : SuperlativeStrategy
Comparative + universal standard: "X is taller than all" (e.g., Japanese
dare yori mo takai'than anyone tall'). - none : SuperlativeStrategy
No dedicated superlative strategy; context or periphrasis used.
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Ch 121 total: 167 languages in the generated WALS dataset.
Ch 121A per-type counts from the generated WALS v2020.4 data.
Per-type counts sum to sample total.
A language's comparative construction profile.
- language : String
Language name.
- iso : String
ISO 639-3 code.
- comparativeType : ComparativeType
WALS Ch 121 comparative type.
- degreeWord : DegreeWordType
Degree word typology.
- superlative : SuperlativeStrategy
Primary superlative strategy.
- comparativeForm : String
Illustrative comparative construction form.
- standardMarker : String
Standard marker (the "than" equivalent), if applicable.
- degreeMarker : String
Degree marker ("more" equivalent), if applicable.
- basicOrder : String
Dominant basic word order (for word-order correlations).
- notes : String
Notes on the construction.
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English: particle comparative with dedicated "than". Dual degree marking: free "more" for polysyllabic adjectives, bound "-er" for short adjectives. Superlative: "-est" or "most". Classic Standard Average European pattern.
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German: particle comparative with "als" marking the standard. Comparative formed with suffix "-er" (always synthetic, unlike English). Superlative with "-st" + strong/weak ending. Standard Average European pattern.
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Japanese: locational comparative with postposition "yori" ('from/than') marking the standard. No comparative morphology on the adjective; the bare adjective form is used. SOV order. Superlative via universal standard "dare yori mo" ('than anyone').
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Mandarin Chinese: exceed comparative using "bi" construction. The verb-like element "bi" introduces the standard, functioning as an exceed-type marker. SVO order. Degree adverb "geng" ('more/even more') is optional.
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Korean: locational comparative with ablative-like particle "-boda" marking the standard. Some analyses treat "-boda" as a particle (mixed classification). No comparative morphology on the adjective. SOV order.
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Turkish: locational comparative with ablative case "-dan"/"-den" marking the standard. Comparative morphology "-rak"/"-rek" exists but is optional. SOV order. Superlative with "en" ('most') + adjective.
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Yoruba: exceed comparative using verb "ju" ('surpass/exceed'). The parameter (dimension) of comparison is expressed as a separate predicate. Example: "Ade ga ju Bola lo" 'Ade tall exceed Bola go'. SVO order.
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Hindi-Urdu: locational comparative with postposition "se" ('from/than') marking the standard. The comparative adjective is optionally modified by "zyaadaa" ('more'). SOV order.
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Russian: particle comparative with "chem" ('than') or genitive case on the standard. Comparative adjective formed with "-ee"/"-ej" suffix or suppletive stem. Relatively free word order (SVO dominant).
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Finnish: locational comparative with partitive case marking the standard. Comparative adjective formed with "-mpi" suffix. SOV/SVO flexible order.
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Swahili: exceed comparative using verb "-zidi" ('exceed/surpass') or "kuliko" ('than/more than'). SVO order. No comparative morphology on adjectives. Bantu language with agglutinative verb morphology.
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Latin: locational comparative with ablative case marking the standard, or particle "quam" ('than'). Comparative adjective formed with "-ior" suffix. Free word order (SOV tendency). Superlative with "-issimus" suffix.
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Thai: exceed comparative using verb "kwaa" ('exceed/more'). SVO order. The adjective precedes "kwaa", which introduces the standard. No comparative morphology.
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Tagalog: exceed comparative using "mas...kaysa" construction (borrowed from Spanish "mas...que") or native "higit" ('surpass'). Verb-initial (VSO) order.
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Arabic (Modern Standard): elative pattern "ʔafʕal" serves as both comparative and superlative. The standard is marked with "min" ('from'). The elative is a fixed morphological template, not decomposable into degree + adjective.
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Martuthunira (Pama-Nyungan, Western Australia): conjoined comparative. Comparison expressed by juxtaposing two clauses, one asserting the property of the comparee and the other denying it (or asserting the antonym) of the standard. Common Australian pattern.
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French: particle comparative with "que" ('than') marking the standard. Degree word "plus" ('more') obligatory. Superlative: "le/la plus" + adjective. Standard Average European pattern.
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All language profiles in the sample.
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Does a language have a given comparative type?
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- p.hasType t = (p.comparativeType == t)
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Does a language have a degree word?
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Does a language have comparative morphology (bound degree marking)?
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Does a language lack overt degree marking entirely?
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Does a language have a morphological superlative?
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Is this an SVO language?
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- p.isSVO = (p.basicOrder == "SVO" || p.basicOrder == "SVO/V2")
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Count of languages in the sample with a given comparative type.
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- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.countByType langs t = (List.filter (fun (x : Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeProfile) => x.hasType t) langs).length
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In the WALS data, locational and particle comparatives together account for more than half of the 167-language sample.
Locational comparatives are the most common single type in WALS Ch 121.
Particle comparatives are the rarest single type in WALS Ch 121 (in the v2020.4 data, which lacks a separate "mixed" category).
In our sample, particle comparative languages are all Indo-European languages of Europe. This reflects @cite{haspelmath-2001}'s identification of the comparative particle as a Standard Average European feature.
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All particle languages in our sample are SVO (or V2).
In our sample, exceed comparative languages include Yoruba (W Africa), Mandarin (E Asia), Swahili (E Africa), Thai (SE Asia), and Tagalog (Austronesian). This reflects the areal concentration noted by Stassen.
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Conjoined comparatives are the rarest type in our sample (2/18).
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Languages with conjoined comparatives universally lack overt degree marking in our sample: comparison without any morphological apparatus.
SOV languages in our sample (Japanese, Korean, Turkish, Hindi-Urdu, Navajo, Latin) tend toward locational comparatives. In our sample, all SOV languages with a single comparative type use locational (the exceptions being Navajo with conjoined, and Latin which is mixed).
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Among SOV languages in our sample, locational is the dominant type: more SOV languages use locational than any other single type.
SVO languages in our sample are split between exceed (Mandarin, Yoruba, Swahili, Thai) and particle (English, German, Russian, French) types.
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Among SVO languages, exceed and particle types are roughly balanced.
Exceed-comparative languages in our sample mostly lack bound comparative morphology on adjectives. Comparison is expressed via the verb.
Languages with conjoined comparatives also lack dedicated superlative strategies in our sample: if you can't grammaticalize "more than", you typically can't grammaticalize "most" either.
Languages with morphological comparative degree marking (suffix "-er"/"-ee" etc.) also tend to have morphological superlatives. In our sample, every language with morphological comparative degree also has a morphological superlative.
Every locational comparative in our sample uses a standard marker that also has spatial/ablative meaning ('from', ablative case, partitive case). This is definitional of the locational type but worth verifying: the standard marker is never semantically empty.
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Particle comparatives in our sample all have overt degree marking (either a free degree word or comparative morphology): the comparative particle co-occurs with explicit degree semantics.
Conjoined comparatives in our sample never have degree marking: the absence of a dedicated comparative construction correlates with the absence of dedicated degree morphology.
Exceed comparatives show a split on degree words: some have overt degree words (Mandarin "geng", Tagalog "mas"), others do not (Yoruba, Swahili, Thai).
Sample type distribution: how many languages per comparative type.
Number of languages in our sample.
All five comparative types are represented in our sample.
The sample covers at least 3 word-order types: SOV, SVO, and VSO.
Count of languages by degree word type.
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- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.countByDegree langs d = (List.filter (fun (p : Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeProfile) => p.degreeWord == d) langs).length
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Degree word presence totals match sample size.
Count of languages by superlative strategy.
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- Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.countBySuperlative langs s = (List.filter (fun (p : Phenomena.Comparison.Typology.ComparativeProfile) => p.superlative == s) langs).length
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Languages that lack a dedicated comparative construction (conjoined type, which is "comparison without comparison" in Stassen's terms) also lack dedicated superlative strategies. This is an implicational universal: SUPERLATIVE → COMPARATIVE (contrapositive: no comparative → no superlative). Our sample data is consistent with this universal.
The three adverbial types all collapse to locational under WALS.
Derived-case types never map to locational.
Fixed-case types never map to particle.
Every adverbial type is fixed-case (by construction).
The major comparison construction types found cross-linguistically.
- comparative : ComparisonConstruction
- equative : ComparisonConstruction
- superlative : ComparisonConstruction
- excessive : ComparisonConstruction
- sufficiency : ComparisonConstruction
- degreeQuestion : ComparisonConstruction
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What is being compared — the syntactic category of the gradable expression, following @cite{wellwood-2015}.
The key insight: comparison constructions apply uniformly across categories; what varies is the measured domain (entity, event, state).
- adjectival : ComparisonDomain
- nominal : ComparisonDomain
- verbal : ComparisonDomain
- adverbial : ComparisonDomain
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How degree comparison is morphologically realized in a given form.
This is orthogonal to DegreeWordType (above), which classifies
whether a language has degree marking at all. DegreeMorphology
classifies a specific form: English "taller" is synthetic,
"more tall" is analytic, "better" is suppletive — all in a language
that DegreeWordType classifies as .hasDegreeWord.
- synthetic : DegreeMorphology
- analytic : DegreeMorphology
- suppletive : DegreeMorphology
- mixed : DegreeMorphology
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